National Professional Salary Floor: Partisan political focus on valuing teaching in Bahian municipalities

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LIMA, Maria José Rocha [1], RAMOS, Fernando José Sadio [2]

LIMA, Maria José Rocha. RAMOS, Fernando José Sadio. National Professional Salary Floor: Partisan political focus on valuing teaching in Bahian municipalities. Revista Científica Multidisciplinar Núcleo do Conhecimento. Year 05, Ed. 11, Vol. 24, pp. 23-41. November 2020. ISSN: 2448-0959, Access link:


The text is part of the research work carried out for the PhD in Education by the International Iberoamerican University (UNINI) and exposes the situation of compliance with Law 11.738 / 2008 that instituted the PSPN (Piso Salarial Profissional Nacional), in the municipalities of Bahia. It shows that, even with financial support from the Federal Government, only 35.8% of the 417 municipalities in Bahia fully apply the law. Relates this percentage to the ideological spectrum of the political parties of the managers elected in 2016, inferring a predominance on the left, in compliance with the law. He concludes by pointing out that the situation tends to worsen in view of the uncertainties regarding the future of the National Fund for the Development of Education – FUNDEB, whose term expires in December of this year, precisely due to the close dependence between the financing of basic public education, the payment of PSPN and the Fund’s resources.

Keywords: Salary Floor, Political Parties, Valorization of the Magisterium Baiano, FUNDEB.


In our doctoral thesis, we aimed to understand whether the educational principles enrolled in the programs of the political parties, to which the managers who occupy the 417 municipalities of Bahia, are reflected in the career conditions and professional valorization of the teachers of these municipalities, especially in relation to the full compliance with Law No. 11,738/2008, which established the National Professional Salary Floor – PSPN, with mandatory validity from January 2009. Thus, the work started from the assumption that the salary floor has impacts on the policy of valuing the magisterium and refers to the questions: who fully complies with the PSPN law and which parties are at the head of these prefectures.

The party issue presented an important complexity, considering the political positions resulting from pluripartisanship in Brazil and the reflection of its partisan political commitments to education and teacher appreciation, essential for human and economic development. This is because, if, on the one hand, education and, consequently, the role of the teacher, is treated as an essential element for the development of the population, on the other hand, reality does not always reflect the electoral discourse. On the position and party ideologies, along with explaining and aligning the various existing parties in Brazil in easily recognizable proposals, the survey of the party framework resulting from the municipal elections of 2016 (mayors with a mandate 2017-2020), in Bahia, allowed to verify whether the position of political parties is differentiated in relation to the valorization of the magisterium, not only because of their ideological guidelines.

The survey was conducted between 2016 and 2018. Data were collected in the Articulated Action Plan – PAR/MEC/2018, with the 417 Municipal Departments of Education – SME, Bahia, considering the PAR/MEC as an effective instrument for information, monitoring, evaluation and monitoring of policies to improve the quality of education on the website of the Superior Electoral Court – TSE.

In 2016, data collection was also applied to education professionals who were leaders of 38 Regional Centers/Police Stations of the Association of Licensed Teachers of Brazil, APLB-Sindicato, previously indicated by the entity’s management, seeking information on the implementation of the floor in the municipalities surveyed; career plans; training; working conditions and National Career.

Ten years have passed since the mandatory enforcement of Law No. 11,738/08 and, even so, less than half of the Brazilian municipalities comply with it.

No social segment whether corporate, political, religious, right-wing or left-wing, is against education. It is part of the idea of all segments and social aspects. For some as a way of ascending socially, for others as a way of maintaining the status quo and, for others still, as a right of all.

Moreover, according to the Federal Constitution/88, the valorization of the magisterium must take place through the establishment of Career Plans being, therefore, a constitutional principle; the Law of Guidelines and Bases of National Education – LDB regulates this principle by establishing (art.67) guidelines guiding career plans for professionals in the teaching of basic education; the National Guidelines established in CNE Resolution No. 03/97 are based on the provisions of the LDB, complementing, on a normative basis, the legal provision and, finally, Law 11.738/2008 that defined the Professional Salary Floor of the Basic Education Magisterium and established the allocation of 30% of the workload of teachers for study and planning, that is, we have the consensus and the legal framework. And, having as reference the guidelines and goals of the National Education Plan – PNE 2014/2024 and Law 11.738/2008 the MEC, together with the National Council of Secretaries of Education – CONSED and the National Union of Municipal Education Leaders – UNDIME, created a Network of Technical Assistance of Career Plans and Remuneration (Ordinance No. 387, of May 10, 2016).

In this context, the question that intrigues is, why do hundreds of bahian municipalities do not fully comply with Law No. 11,738, of 2008, after 10 years of its sanction, even under the eyes of the Ministry of Education and the legal institutions responsible for the supervision and enforcement of the law?  What comes to mind are the words of Lamounier (2008, p.22), when he states that “a deficient system of law enforcement is undoubtedly the greatest of harm, because it leaves the field open for transgression to spread and stimulates impunity, refueling the initial situation”

When we started this work, we already knew that there is no, at the national level, a uniformity of career and professional valorization or equal offer and results, nor did the PSPN become real for teachers from all state and municipal networks, and that, especially in municipalities, this difficulty is more pronounced, since “the vast majority of Brazilian municipalities are traditionally dependent on intergovernmental transfers for the composition of their resource basket” (DUARTE , 2005, p.827).

In this article, our aim, in addition to making a quick review of the process of construction and results of the thesis, is to update the issue around the expiration, in December 2020, of the Fund for The Maintenance and Development of Basic Education and Valorization of Education Professionals – FUNDEB, considering that the Fund is the main source of PSPN funding, especially in municipalities that , for the most part, rely on constitutional transfers to survive.


To outline the path of the struggle for the valorization of professionals of the Brazilian magisterium, “heirs of a history that begins in 1551 with the arrival of the Jesuits in Bahia” (MONLEVADE, 2000, p. 5), although briefly, it constituted a fierce process of choices between various developments and repercussions of the struggles, and gaps, in public policies of valorization of education and its professionals.

The search, from the beginning of what we now call education – fundamental to human survival and development, has explained the appreciation of the act of educating in opposition to the abuse of this act and the conditions of its doing. In this contradiction, the professional issue of teaching went through almost two millennia before entering the agenda of those who think about education, including the financial issue. The very work with the children came to be called unworthy in the Roman Empire. (MARROU, 1966). That is, if, on the one hand, it is affirmed that the professionalization and the valorization of teachers are inseparable aspects of being a teacher, on the other hand, these same aspects have been disregarded and even questioned by governments and managers, like the then President Fernando Henrique Cardoso in 2001 who, when speaking at the Institute of Advanced Studies in Princeton /USA, stated: “researchers and university scholars who could not produce became professors. If the person can’t produce, poor thing, he’s going to be a teacher.” (JORNAL FOLHA DE SÃO PAULO, 21/11/2001). These attitudes and understandings make those who exercise the function of educating, contributing to “the guarantee of education as the right of all and duty of the State and the family”. (CF, art. 205), almost 32 years after the promulgation of the Magna Carta, have not yet been valued as other professional options with similar formative requirements (goal 17 of the National Education Plan, PNE 2014-2024).

The choice of this theme represented the possibility of evaluating the public management of education, focusing on the implementation of the policy of valuing the magisterium, in the municipalities of Bahia, from a tool created by the Ministry of Education – MEC, with the objective of providing instruments for information, monitoring, evaluation and monitoring of policies to improve the quality of education: the Plan of Articulated Actions – PAR / MEC. In addition, the conduct of the sample research in 38 municipalities enabled us to confront and corroborate the entire documentary survey, as well as bring the reality of professionals who also work in union bodies, essential in the struggles for the realization of the National Professional Salary Floor – PSPN.

It is perceived in the statements of the union teachers, even with some differences, the understanding of the need for a policy of valorization that encompasses the compliance of the floor, the adequate working conditions and the initial and continuing training, being fundamental factors the category, as well as, the National Career would make it possible to overcome the difficulties generated by the decentralized autonomy enjoyed by the federated entities, by the absence of a National Articulated System of Education.

Throughout the investigation, we verified how teachers faced and still face adversities with regard to working conditions, whether they are salary, training, work space, career, health and social work relations. There is no doubt that these difficulties permeate the teaching process – learning and have repercussions on the professional and personal life of teachers, continuously charged for results that are often conditioned to the issues that go beyond the classroom space. By valuing the teacher in the discourse and, later, using the financial logic not to effect this same discourse, managers rely on the capitalist assumption of the minimum state and bet on the ontological commitment of the teacher with his/her work, without admitting that the valorization is intrinsic to the process as a whole.

We have already evolved a lot, although inequalities in educational provision, as a human right, and in the valorization of teachers as the right of every professional, are still remarkable, in various parts of the world, contributing greatly to maintain situations of oppression, financial and cultural poverty, precarious health, hunger, barbarism. The religious fundamentalism that dominates part of the world resumes unimaginable situations in the face of scientific, cultural and educational advances of the 21st century. The disrespect for science, the knowledge of minorities, education and its professionals, culture and the most subjective and primary rights of the human being has reached levels of alarm, including in Brazil.

In the current Brazilian socio-political context, the struggle for the valorization of basic education teachers takes on the contours of the struggle for the preservation of the teacher/educator’s own role, against the conservative ideological wave that wants to transform it into mere, and watched, “teacher” content highly contradictory to human rights and affirmative policies, as well as to advances in science, arts and literature, tying the role of the teacher and diminishing its social value.


Bahia, the oldest part of “Portuguese America” (SCHWARTZ; LOCKHART, 2002), is the birthplace of formal education in Brazil, begun with the arrival of the Jesuits in the entourage of Tomé de Souza, 1st governor general, in 1549 and, from where education expanded with the creation of schools in indigenous missions and colleges in the main towns and cities of the then Portuguese Colony.

The political history of Bahia is confused with the country’s politics. In addition to the capital Salvador, having been, for many years, the capital of the Colony, Bahia is a state with relevant exponents in the national political scene, such as Rui Barbosa, Juracy Magalhães, Octavio Mangabeira, Antônio Carlos Magalhães and educator Anísio Teixeira, among others.

Bahia holds the national primacy in the creation of some organs/institutions, in the educational area, such as the Bahia School of Surgery, created in 1808, by D. João VI; the State Council of Education, created in 1842, as the ‘Council of Public Instruction’, from which were created several laws that began to guide education in the country. And also, the Foundation for the Development of Science in Bahia, the first in Brazil, created and installed between 1947 and 1951, with Dr. Anísio as its Executive Secretary; (MENEZES, 2016, p. 234). According to Anísio Teixeira, still in the first half of the 19th century, there was already a Normal School for teacher training in Bahia, even before the movement initiated by Horace Mann in 1837 in the city of Boston, United States. “In Bahia, we started, so soon,” he would say in 1947. (TEIXEIRA, 1947, p. 3).

With more than 3 million students and 140,000 teachers distributed in more than 15,400 public primary schools, the state proved to be an excellent observatory in the proposed research, including by concentrating the vast majority of elementary school teaching functions in municipal networks. (FERREIRA, 2009, p. 22). On the party political issue, it is worth highlighting the fact that of the 35 Brazilian political parties registered in the TSE, 23 (65.7%) had mayors elected in Bahia, for the period 2017 – 2020, alone or in coalition. According to Carreirão (2006, p. 157), “the increase in the fragmentation of the party system encouraged an increase in the number of coalitions (including the least ideologically consistent) as a strategy to mitigate the impact of this fragmentation on electoral competition”, it should be said that among the 417 municipalities in Bahia, only 04 had no coalitions in the 2016 elections. Gimenes (2016) points out, in addition to fragmentation, an electorate unprepared politically and with a low level of education, which makes it difficult to make the difference between parties, which are distributed between the historical liberal, neoliberal and socialist aspects, having as reference their own official discourses that sometimes are not reflected in practice. An example of these coalitions, in 2016 in Bahia, occurred between parties that are configured not only opposites, but “enemies” in the current national scenario: PT, PSOL, PCdoB and PSL. In 76 (18.2%) of the municipalities of Bahia, alliances included these three legends (together with others), in the following configuration: PT and PSL among other parties: 24 municipalities; PCdoB and PSL among other parties: 19 municipalities and, PT, PSOL, PCdoB and PSL among other parties: 33 municipalities.

The educational data were researched in the Integrated Monitoring System Execution and Control of the Ministry of Education – SIMEC/PAR, which is fed by the managers of education systems throughout the country and on the websites of MEC, the National Institute of Research and Statistics – INEP and the National Fund for The Development of Education – FNDE, as well as on the websites of the prefectures. It is observed that many municipalities have not completed the insertion of data in SIMEC/PAR, which may occur because there is no stipulated deadline for this filling. The party data were researched in the Superior Electoral Court – TSE and in the pages of the parties themselves.

In order to weigh the possible openings for evasives regarding compliance with the law, during the investigation process, the amplitude of the sample, which is the totality of the municipalities of the state of Bahia, added to the necessary adjustments contributes to obtain significant results.

In Bahia, in absolute numbers, for the statements inserted in the PAR, among the 376 municipalities of Bahia that claim to have a Career Plan, 175 pay the PSPN, but do not meet the Activity Time – HA; 146 fully comply with the Law; 28 do not pay the PSPN and does not comply with HA, 31 do not pay the PSPN and only comply with HA. Among the 11 who reported not having a Career Plan, 09 pay the PSPN; one (1) says it meets hour activity only, and one (1) informs you of not meeting any of the requirements. In addition to these, 30 gave no information in the PAR.

The figures allow us to conclude that 36.2% (151) of the municipalities comply with the totality of Law No. 11,738, of 2008 (PISO and HA), but if we include the need to also have the Career Plan, this percentage drops to 35.8%, accounting only 146 of the municipalities of Bahia. In the context of the party issue, it should be noted that, in 2016, the Center parties predominated with 50.1% of those elected. The left parties represent 12.2%, the parties identified as the Center Left 10%, the Right, 23.9% and the Center Right, 2.1% of the elected. Identified as No Party a total of 1.4%.

Relating the party context with the situations that are located in the PAR, there are variations in virtually all 417 municipalities, regardless of party ideology. The exception occurs in municipalities whose manager is the PCdoB, where there is career plan and PSPN is paid in 100% of cases and, in 70% compliance is full (Career Plan, PSPN and HA). At the other end, the only one to indicate that has no plan, does not pay the floor and does not meet the hour activity in the PAR, was a manager elected by the PSDB.

Overall, considering the political spectrum, the 146 municipalities (35.8%) that fully comply with the Law in Bahia (Piso, Carreira and HA) can be represented in the following configuration:

Figure 1. % of Municipalities with full compliance with the Law x management party

Source: Author

Within the universe of 417 municipalities, 38 were selected, representing the 07 Bahian mesoregions (present intermediate regions), in which 40 education professionals and union leaders, 67.5% women and 32.5% men, with training corresponding to the state average of Bahia (62.5% with higher education and 35% post-graduates), responded to a data collection instrument, which based the empirical part of our thesis and allowed a personalized view of a set of municipalities that encompasses 2,349,703 inhabitants (15.8% of the Bahian population), 2,913 schools, 294,546 students and 12,198 teachers, corresponding to 10.03%, 8.09% and 8.35% of the state’s totals, respectively. In the electoral issue, of the 23 parties with elected mayors in Bahia, 11 are represented in the municipalities of the sample. According to the partisan ideological spectrum, there are 22 (57.8%) mayors of Centro; 06 (15,7%) of The Right; 04 (10,5%) are center-left; 03 (7,8%) left and 01 (2.6%) No Party.

The survey unveils some situations that deserve to be highlighted, such as the research on the websites of the 38 Municipal Departments of Education: in 18 of them, we did not find information related to education, even doing in-depth searches and, in other 06, only a quick news or only the link to the MEC Portal; in the other 13, the information is updated, with objectives, competencies and programs developed, and four of these have reports about professionals, career plans and / or continuing training. Of the 38 municipalities surveyed, 18 (47.3%) have reached or exceeded the Basic Education Development Index Target – IDEB[3] proposed for 2017[4]. The other 20 (52.6%) below the projected Targets.

Regarding the data reported in the PAR, the table shows that: only 08 (21%) managers claim to comply with the entire law (Career Plan, PSPN and HA); 21 (55,2%) managers state that their municipalities have career plan, comply with the PSPN, but have not yet implemented the Hour Activity of 1/3 of the journey; 03 (7,8%) say that the municipality has career plan, but does not pay the Floor, nor implemented HA; 01 (2,6%) has Career Plan and HA, but does not pay the PSPN; and 04 (10.5%) managers did not provide any information on the subject. In relation to the partisan political spectrum, relative to the 08 mayors who inform comply with the integrality of the law, we have: 42% of Left; 37.5% right and 9.0% Center. In other words, the entire research process pointed to a proportional prevalence of left-aligned parties in the implementation of the PSPN and full compliance with the law.

The teachers who answered emphasized questions related to working conditions, such as inadequate infrastructure of school spaces, lack of teaching materials, professional devaluation and non-provision of continuing education. About PSPN, 17 (44.7%) of the 40 interviewees answered receiving the amount in force at the time, according to them, the managers claimed lack of resources and swelling of the sheet for non-payment of the Floor. Most believe that a National Career would contribute to professional valorization, overcoming regional inequalities. Moreover, if there are no significant changes in working conditions in relation to the Law and PSPN, this is due to the non-observance of the legal precepts by most managers.


The Brazilian federative organization, with autonomy of the federated entities, has made it the proof of an “organization” of national education and not a national system, which contributes to “inter- and intraregional inequality […] regarding the provision of education for the population.” (OLIVEIRA; SOUSA, 2010, p.13). The Law of Guidelines and Bases held states and municipalities responsible for the definition of the career and remuneration of their education professionals, maintaining “the spraying of remuneration and the inequalities existing among federal entities” (VIEIRA, 2012, p. 2).  For the Chamber of Basic Education – CEB, of the National Council of Education – CNE, this difficulty generated by the absence of a National Education System, in view of the autonomy of states and municipalities “to legislate on educational topics and their servants contributed little to the prosperity of the public school and to the valorization of the members of the magisterium” (Opinion CNE/CEB no. 09/2009).

To exemplify, the organization of national education currently includes 26 state networks/systems, 01 district system and 5,570 municipal networks/systems, which presupposes the existence of 5,697 different Career Plans, Positions and Salaries and many other training programs. In a survey conducted by the National Confederation of Education Workers – CNTE, referring to the month of April 2019, 08 states did not meet the floor value, at the beginning of career, middle level / teaching: ES, GO, MG, PA, PR, RS, SE, SP and, 07 did not meet the 33.3% of Extra Class/HA Day: AP, ES, GO, PA, RJ, RS, SP.

Regarding the municipalities, the most up-to-date data, published by MEC, are from November 2016 and indicate that, among the 5,570 Brazilian municipalities, 3,038 (54.6%) did not meet the PSPN value and, 3,406 (61%) did not comply with the journey with AH, remembering that the floor and the journey are explicit in Law 11.738/2008, in force since 2009.

According to Alencar and Henry (2019), institutionalizing the National Education System is one of the strategies to generate systemic solutions to the problems of education. For Dourado (2018), “the institutionalization of the SNE has been the subject of propositions since the approval of EC no. 59/2009, gained density with the approval of the PNE and has been the object of dispute since then.” But although the PNE/2014 – 2024 determines that the National Education System should be established in law, the legislature closed in 2018 debated but did not approve any law. Currently, two Complementary Bills on the matter are being processed in Congress, PLP 25/2019, with PLP 47/2019 in the House and PLP 235/2019, in the Senate.

It has also been highlighted, especially by small municipalities, such as the pspn barrier, the Fiscal Responsibility Law (LC No. 101/2000), which aims to condition the expenses of the Union, states, federal district and municipalities, its ability to collect taxes, this is also the motivation for the National Confederation of Municipalities – CNM to advocate that the revision of the value of PSPN take place by the National Index of Consumer Prices – INPC[5], accumulated each year, and no longer by the Student Value Year – VAA, as proposed by Law 11.738/2008 and that resulted in an adjustment of 12.6% in the PSPN in 2020. According to Fernandes (2015, p.103) “managers use fallacious discourse to claim that they have money, but cannot pay teachers because it exceeds the percentage determined by the LRF.” This is because Constitutional Amendment No. 95/2016 (Spending Ceiling) establishes that the calculation basis and the limits established “are not included in the calculation basis and within the limits established “the complementations of art. 60, caput, itemv and VII, of this Act of transitional constitutional provisions”, (Art. 107, § 6, I) therein included the complementation of the Union to FUNDEB.

Another obstacle or “deviation” from the Law has been the increasing use of temporary contract to complete education staff, with salaries per hour worked or other forms of wage fixing that does not involve the PSPN. However, professionals hired on a provisional basis will be entitled to the Floor and the composition of the working day.

The amount of information systematized so far allows us to realize that, even with the creation of Educational Programs, Information and Monitoring Systems, State Forums to Support the Training of Education Professionals (Decree No. 6,755, january 2009) and funding improved by the transformation of FUNDEF into FUNDEB, there is still a great gap in the direction of an educational policy that meets the differences and inequalities of the Brazilian reality. This inequality, according to 2015 data, can be explained by 02 municipalities: Turiaçu (MA) is the one that allocated less resources for education, spending only R$ 2,937 per student that year, almost 90% of which was fundeb; the municipality of Pinto Bandeira (RS) invested R$ 19,511 per student and only 17% of these resources were from FUNDEB. (AGÊNCIA CÂMARA, 2020).

This context seems to be reflected in the scope of the Party Programs where, of the 32 Parties that include this theme in their Principles, (03 have no citation to education/teaching or teachers), only 12 (34.2%) make some reference to teachers. If only those who cite “valorization, working conditions, salary and training would be listed only 10 party acronyms.”


In terms of public policies, the PSPN is part of the logic of building a national career and a national education system by establishing a single criterion for the remuneration of teaching professionals for all entities of the federation. With the definition of a “national” salary floor, the law signals the direction of “the construction of the national education system by establishing a common criterion for the remuneration of teaching professionals for all federal entities” (VIEIRA, 2012, p. 4).

It is known that the idea of also remunerating Brazilian teachers, although not recent, is innovative both in the law and in the educational literature. In terms of resources, FUNDEB has expanded the sublinking of resources from 15% (FUNDEF) to 20%, covering all basic education. “By empowering FUNDEB, a successful policy, we will move forward with the goal that education is a solution – not the cause – of our opportunities asymmetries.” (CRUZ; CALLEGARI, 2017). According to the Senate Agency, in 2019, of the R$ 248 billion invested in public schools in the country, R$ 156 billion (65% of the total) came out of FUNDEB.

Now, with the deadline (December/2020) are at stake, the current 63% (according to MEC), of all that is invested in public schools in Brazil, in addition to the teachers’ own Salary Floor, if the Fund is not renewed and expanded. Since 2010, the Union contributes 10%, which are allocated to states that do not reach a minimum value per student (VAA), used to calculate the percentage of PSPN adjustment, each year.

According to Senator Dário Berger (MDB-SC), president of the Education Commission – CE “Without FUNDEB, the bankruptcy of public education in Brazil is decreed”. (Senado Agency, 2020). This is also the position of Frederico Amâncio, vice-president of the National Council of Education Secretaries – CONSED, stating in a hearing in the Chamber “if FUNDEB really ends basic education in Brazil it will be unfeasible”. (AGÊNCIA CÂMARA DE NOTÍCIAS, 2019). For the Inter-Union Department of Statistics and Socioeconomic Studies – DIEESE (2020), what is at stake is the guarantee of more than half of the (little) that is invested in education today in municipal networks, and the end of FUNDEB would jeopardize the financing of education for around 92% of students in municipal schools. In this context, a highlight of extreme relevance, in the scope of our work, concerns transfers to the poorest entities, since simulations carried out with data from 92% of the municipalities indicate that more than half of these new resources go to three states: Bahia , Maranhão and Ceará. The biggest winner is Bahia: from R $ 3.2 billion transferred by FUNDEB in 2020, it will start receiving R $ 5.3 billion in 2026, that is, a difference of R $ 2.1 billion. (AGÊNCIA CÂMARA 2020).

Due to the end of the term and considering the advantages for the maintenance and development of basic education, since 2015, the Constitutional Amendment Proposal (PEC) No. 15/2015 has been underway in the Chamber of Deputies, with the objective of making FUNDEB a policy permanent State. In the Senate, PEC 33/2019 and PEC 65/2019 also propose to add art. 212-The Federal Constitution, making FUNDEB permanent and revoking art. 60 of the Transitional Constitutional Provisions Act. One of the points concerns the expansion of the Union’s participation, until it reaches 40% of the fund’s value in 2031. The Minister of Education, in a press conference, contested: “We do not agree. We consider a proposal that hurts the fiscal balance. It is not a long-term solvent and we will look for another solution. ” (TOKARNIA, 2019). The minister also said that the government is in favor of maintaining FUNDEB and that it advocates the expansion to 15%, on a progressive scale of 1% per year, from the first year of the new Fund’s effectiveness. Although there is no proposal for an extension or continuity on the part of the federal government. On the contrary, the administration of President Jair Bolsonaro has placed deadlocks that hinder the renewal of FUNDEB, including changing his mind, as indicated by the economic area, on the permanent inclusion of the Fund in the Federal Constitution, according to the proposal in process. “The initiative represents a change in the Executive’s position in one of the few consensus that there was on the topic” (AZEVEDO, 2020).

According to the Mayor, deputy Rodrigo Maia, (verbal information [6]) “We are prepared, education cannot wait. The special commission has already debated, advanced, and the idea is to approve the new FUNDEB next week. ” However, despite the vote announced for the 2nd week of March, the pandemic caused by Covid-19 altered the work in the National Congress. When consulting the website of the Federal Chamber, the last summons to PEC 15/15 is 17/03/2020, 17:39, informing the cancellation of the Ordinary Deliberative Meeting of March 18, “while we wait for the vote on the Draft Resolution [7] which will regulate the remote voting of proposals within the Chamber of Deputies in this moment of international public health emergency. ” The note also states that, “as soon as the technological resources are available, we will finalize the vote on PEC 15/15”.


Unfortunately, the disrespect for the Law and teachers is historical, there is a lack of serious, adequate and viable perspectives to place teachers and education as a subjective right for the entire population, specifically, and not only in discourse.

The demands for education, expanded as its importance was realized for human and social growth, went hand in hand with teachers’ struggles, especially for training, salary and working conditions. In Brazil, even so long since the Jesuits began the Brazilian educational process, there is much room to be filled by policies of professional valorization in education.

In this context, professional valorization, as a transformative proposal of the conditions of salary and teaching work, is only characterized as such from the struggles and debates of social movements, engendered by a series of actions, including at the international level. The salary floor of the magisterium, as Fernandes (2008) points out, was the result of much struggle, mobilizations at the national level, marches, stopovers and congresses. As we have stated, in our long history in education and politics, the Brazilian elite speaks about the teaching profession, secularly, as an exercise of rhetoric, to please large portions of society, practice, represses a policy that is capable of valuing teachers and raising the school, enabling Brazilians to build knowledge and stay intelligent (LIMA, 1996).

So far, what we can say is that the PSPN and Law No. 11.738/2008 represent a victory for basic education teachers, even if it still does not guarantee full professional valorization. The possibility of non-renewal / expansion of FUNDEB, complicated by the troubled moment that we are going through, globally and internally, with a dispute between the executive and the legislature, involving even demonstrations calling for the closure of Congress and the STF, is a threat to the offer basic education and PSPN payment. It remains now, in the vote on PEC15 / 15, to expect the same commitment from the parties that, on October 3, 2007, with the massive presence of parliamentarians representing almost all the major parties in Congress, in that legislature: DEM, PDT, PMDB, PP , PR, PSB, PSDB, PSOL, PT and PTB and, with the report of Severiano Alves, from the PDT / BA, approved the Substitute of the Education and Culture Commission, which would give rise to Law 11.738, sanctioned by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, on July 16, 2008.

As has already been said, no one wants to speak publicly against education and/or teachers’ rights for good wages and working conditions.


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3. The Basic Education Development Index (IDEB) was created in 2007 and brings together, in a single indicator, the results of two concepts equally important for the quality of education: school flow and average evaluation performance.

4. Last year to have the results published by the National Institute of Educational Studies and Research Anísio Teixeira – INEP / MEC.

5. Accumulated jan. to ten. 2019 was 3.37%.

6. In an interview, on March 5, 2020, to the blog of Andreia Sadi (G1/Globo).

7. Project 11/20 was voted on March 17, according to the Chamber News Agency.

[1] PhD in Education. Master’s degree in Public Policy in Education. Specialization in Psychopedagogy. Specialization in Clinical Psychoanalysis Training. Specialization in African History/Black Cultures in the Atlantic. Specialization in Higher Education Methodology.

[2] PhD in Social Sciences/ Educational Sciences, Program “Curriculum, Profesorado and Educational Institutes” – University of Granada/Spain.
Master’s degree in Contemporary Philosophy – University of Coimbra/Portugal.
Degree in Philosophy – University of Coimbra/Portugal.

Submitted: November, 2020.

Approved: November, 2020.

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