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Anexos / Arquivos

Inequality in socio-spatial Perspective: notes and reflections around a Compressive and Conflictual Reality

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BAGGIO, Ulysses da Cunha[1]

BAGGIO, Ulysses da Cunha. Inequality in socio-spatial Perspective: notes and reflections around a Compressive and Conflictual Reality. Multidisciplinary Core scientific journal of knowledge. Year 1. Vol. 9. Pp. 564-603. October/November 2016. ISSN. 2448-0959


The article is devoted to an analysis of inequality in its implications, socioespaciais looking for show the recurrence of this theme in the story, trying to point out the distinctions between differentiation and inequality, often taken as synonymous expressions by common sense. The analysis emphasizes the advancement and the resizing of the inequality in the wake of capitalism and modern-world training, putting in relief the correlative sense acquired by inequality, which is embodied in their interrelation with the space, metabolizing, as socio-spatial inequality, closely associated with the adversarial and unequal movement of capitalism, which reaches maturity with the consolidation of the urbanization of society. Such urbanization, extended and geographically dispersed and diffused under the cash inflows of monopolistic capitalism, going on to represent his own contemporary corporate spatialization. It is worth mentioning that this extensive urbanization, consolidated by the Fordist industrialization until the late 1960 's and early 70 ', updates, while if even more complex in the context of crisis/exhaustion of the Fordist accumulation pattern and the development of a new standard of accumulation, flexible trace-espoliativo, playing a central role the profusion of new information and communication technologies as well as a spectacular financialisation of the economy, within a framework of profuse territorial expansion of outsourcing, which blend the current stage of capitalist globalization, leading to a more spreading urbanization, with the multiplication and expansion of medium-sized cities, engaged in a new urbanization of Metropolitan trait, approaching geographically inequalities, poverty and wealth, under the direction of a confrontational opposition and degrading. The analysis highlights the insertion and the role of the periphery in the process of formation of the world system, not as a stage, time or circumstances of the historical development of capitalism, but fundamentally as an integrated space to it, or as a function or condition essential to the structure of your own operation and support. Such an approach leads us to situate the capitalist world-system as a whole intrinsically contradictory socio-spatial and uneven, in which reproduction and expansiveness of the periphery, or perhaps peripheries, indicate a structural feature of the capitalist spatiality. On the outskirts, under the movement of contradictions over recrudescidas, despite inflows of structural changes in the forms of organization of work, alongside substantial restructuring in the space, especially in large urban areas, based on association between the financial capital and real estate, with the coordination of the State, to which is added the prominence of rodoviarista logic and its impact in the territory We have, thus, the advance, quick steps, a set of urban social problematic situations in our cities, in various aspects, pointing under a social sense, to the aggravation of an urbanization criticism, which causes inequality, deprivation and expropriations. From the point of view of the capital, pressed for policies of devaluation of the current depressed cycle of capitalism, these operations show up as new fronts of capital appreciation, imposing a mismatch between the scale of the economic value (exchange value) and the value in use (related to quality aspects) in/of space. Under this condition, we have emergencies of new forms of resistance, struggle and social organization, influencing political arrangements that enter into space, the plane of everyday life, a diversity of intentional actions in the interstices of the city, both in Central spaces as peripherals, these are practices that are equipped, in good part, in dash auto-organizacional or even autogestionário. Considering that not necessarily deny the State, these practices are understood as vectors able to enhance democracy and most desired by society socioespaciais transformations, signaling an auspicious counterpoint to the problem of inequality in contemporary times, if not outlining an alternative pathway in a statist and private-enterprise sharply.


Historically, the plan of organization of human societies, the inequality (here understood as a compressive-contractual reality directly related to power relations) presents itself as a concern since antiquity, causing concerns to important Greek thinkers such as Plato and Aristotle, passing by philosophers-theologians of the middle ages, such as St. Augustine and St. Thomas Aquinas, covering the period of transition from feudalism to capitalism with Thomas Hobbes, extending the age of enlightenment, especially the reflections of Rousseau in his "discourse on the origin and basis of inequality among men", advancing by the 18th century, with the thought of Hegel's idealistic, notably in their political perspective and dialectics of the movement of history, but also for solid analysis of Karl Marx, which discussed the social organization political and economic, of his time, developing a critical analysis theoretically rigorous of capitalist society, under a deep sense of indignation around the conditions of inequality based on class Division, propose its transformation through the revolutionary social struggle, inequality has also been examined in studies of German economist and sociologist Max Weber, under a more complex perspective of social stratification by identifying the basic components of the formation of social inequality. In the field of geography, area of our work, the theme of social inequality is an old problem, and highlight the contributions of the geographers anarchists Élisée Reclus and Peter Kropotkin, which clashed with the causes and the problems of social inequality of his time (the nineteenth century), advocating another form of alternative and more egalitarian society. In the times today, we could not fail to highlight here in Latin America and, more specifically, in Brazil, the geographer Milton Santos, through extensive studies on unequal territory, corporate globalization and the rights of the citizen. In other areas you'll also scholars and thinkers who, in a long, if nurtured the legacy of Hegel and Marx, such as Lenin, Gramsci, Luckács. Several other scholars in various fields of knowledge, if occupied also the subject throughout the 20th century and early 21st, however, our purpose in this work make a kind of detailed and comprehensive inventory on those that prominently, they treated the theme of social inequality in their expressions and implications in society and in space, but only draw attention to the fact that this theme is a recurring concern in history, highlighting, unequivocally, their relevance in the analysis of society and of social processes, involving a variety of approaches and theoretical-methodological perspectives.

Differentiation and inequality socioespaciais 

On the assumption that society in its movement to close historic and ontologically a corresponding spatiality, given by the creation of an area or space scope for forms of social organization and production, we can assure that the social differentiations are projected in space as a striking trait of his historic achievement, which advances by places (here understood as immediate instance of social drama) in the form of a process essentially unequal and contradictory or as a spatial development and geographically uneven. Their achievement is given by the simultaneous action of vectors of homogenization, fragmentation and tiering, in whose spatial forms and movement social processes are inextricably linked and dialectically articulated, composing a structural interaction of space organized. Therefore, the Constitution of this structure reflects both a spatial homology, since both variables in this relationship arising out of the same origins in the capitalist mode of production, such as the conformation of a markedly dialectic between them, given the inseparability between the space and the social, suggesting therefore a double dimensionality in this Association, horizontal and vertical respectively (soy, 1993, p. 99-100).

It appears that the spatial organization is the objectification of social relations in their metabolic interface with nature, representing a dimension of social totality historically produced, in which nature is transformed by social work; What means that the spatial organization is the result of a dialectic society/space. And, though the space can show itself as something "primarily", his organization and its meaning are as a "product of the translation, processing and social experience" (soy, 1993, p. 101). It revokes understandings that fetichizam the space, moving away from the idea that he can operate any determinismos in the social process. Furthermore, as the spatial organization is subject to a class society it effectively reflects "both the classist nature of the production and consumption of material goods, how the control exercised over the relations of social classes emerged social relations linked to production" (CORREA, 1986, p. 55-56). Then she express a diversity of spatial conformations created by social work, which, however, we would add, suffer interference from political and institutional contexts in which they are constituted, giving them specific characteristics and traces of differentiation.

Historically, the existing social differentiations, principally directed those produced in the urban environment, crystallize procedural form in space-time, or even, in the practical world-sensitive as socioespaciais disparities, which is not to be confused, of course, as a mere "differentiation of areas". Such disparities if they are based and, to a large extent on the social division of work, attending, historically, as produced by differential espacializações variability of cash inflows of society-nature interactions. That doesn't mean, it should be stressed, that their expressions in reality are limited only to your empirical components, namely how self-evident manifestations in the landscape, also consisting of abstract elements, such as, for example, virtual money, flows of information, ideologies, etc. Such conformations suggest us the idea of a whole intrinsically variable, inherent in the capitalist production process of space, with greater emphasis on the process of urbanization of peripheral countries or of late capitalism.

It appears, therefore, that the social differentiation and, more specifically, the socio-spatial inequality she covers (categories whose meanings are different, but common sense plan, are taken as synonymous expressions, which is a distortion), part of the history of peoples, not an exclusive feature of a given society or particular socio-economic system. So constant and variable, under the specific socioespaciais contexts, they accompany the evolutionary dynamics of societies, spelling them in their respective spaces.

Under the development of capitalism, however, the differentiations and especially inequalities acquire a new meaning and new expressions, achieving greater complexity, contrast and visibility. Such variability occurs, especially in the wake of the consolidation of the process of urbanization, especially in the period after World War II with a more robust development of monopolistic capitalism and its aspects of modernisation coordinated by State. From there this urbanization becomes extensive. She represents a socio-spatial transformation of large proportions, which implies, inter alia, in the subordination of the City field (LEFEBVRE, 1999), thus amplifying the urban phenomenon. With him, Henri Lefebvre, tells us the "urban" proliferates and spreads, undermining "the waste land" life, not restricting, in fact, "to the built in cities", but covering "all the manifestations of the predominance of the city on the field" (1999, p. 17), configuring limits increasingly inaccurate and intricate between the urban and the rural. Correlacionadamente, extensive urbanization also expresses the generalization of the world of the goods under a spectacular development of productive forces and networks, leveraging both horizontalization vectors as verticalization of capital and social process in space. Such transformations resize and strengthen the fundamental contradictions of capitalism, such as between capital and labor, extending to the fields of collective consumption and social reproduction. In this context, both the territorial differentiation as socioespaciais inequalities resize and acquire more complexity. In Latin America, specifically in Brazil, with the advancement of neoliberalism, especially from the years 1990, could-if the inequality and so associated with, socio-spatial segregation, which is directly related to the redirects, by the State, of public policies to support virtually exclusive to the most competitive segments, in an economy already quite uneven, covering great transfer of public resources to private enterprise most impoverished populations, imposing greater restrictions on access to basic services.

We must be clear, then, that not every difference is inequality and vice versa, with the sense of difference is closely associated with the identification of the essence of what you put in comparison, in its entirety or in some partial aspects, which can be both cream and natural as cultural. Inequality, in turn, assumes in its definition the condition variable, context in which socially and politically established the essential distinctions which, generally connoting the sense of social injustice, therefore also of conflict. In this perspective, the inequality means in situations of differentiation between people and among segments of society, both in the same company as among other societies, countries or even different regions. That way, she reveals that portions of a given society is hierarchical and structurally in place better conditions than others. Whereas social inequalities are in various spheres of society, such as culture, politics, daily life, economy, etc., we cannot lose sight of, however, that space, as comprising all other instances of society, projecting the real as an integrated whole and dialectic, causes such manifestations if transmutem in expressions espacializadas , perceived and understood also as socioespaciais inequalities.

More specifically, we have the inequality that is produced in the wake of the development of capitalism and modern-world training is one that:

[…] "if it is based on centralized ownership of social wealth generated by society as a whole in the hands of a social class, which is also owner of power, establishing the conditions for reproduction in an alliance between the political and economic plans against the social" (CARLOS, 2015, p. 43).

Therefore, under a modern perspective socio-spatial inequality is so closely associated with the contradictory movement and uneven that marks the development logic and socio-spatial realization of capitalism, reflecting it in the wake of their evolutionary dynamics, reaching maturity with the consolidation of the urbanization of society. Generalizing unevenly around the world, this urbanization represents the very corporate spatialization of modernity, remarkably complex and full of contradictions and vicissitudes.  Not without reason the periphery to be inserted in the formation of the world system not as a stage, time or circumstances in the process of development of capitalism, but integrated into it as a function or condition to the structure of its own functioning and support, which leads us to understand the world capitalist system as a whole intrinsically contradictory socio-spatial and uneven, in which reproduction and expansiveness of the periphery or perhaps peripheries indicate a structural feature of spatiality, which is part of the capitalist logic of survival of capitalism.

By the way, Ernest Mandel, to lean on regional inequalities of capitalism, asserts that "the capitalist world system is, in considerable degree, precisely a function of the universal validity of the law of uneven and combined development" (1985, p. 14 emphasis added), presenting it as the very essence of capitalism and placing it in the same degree of importance to the exploitation of labour by capital. Constituting one of the laws of dialectics, understood as interpenetration of opposites, contradictions resulting from uneven and combined development operating in the historical process as its own transformation engines.

With regard to space, such development projects as socioterritorial differentiation processes, producing conditions of regionalizações. It is worth saying that these processes unquestionably achieve greater forcefulness and complexity under the capitalist mode of production, especially in its current phase, marked by globalization, so if you resize the simultaneity of vectors and fragmentation, integration and differentiation. Indeed, such a move to diversify socioterritorial, given by regional space articulated unevenly conformations, reaffirms and updates the very principle of unity and diversity in history.

The logic is contradictory to the law of uneven development intrinsic and combined establishes a socio-spatial dynamics irrequietamente contradictory, marked by a succession of construction processes, destruction and re-composition of spatial structures in different parts of the world, in the same way as in portions of the same territorial formation, hence being able to work the establishment of regions or regional expressions, there is more at the same time in the formation of metropolitan urban complexes , that conform under certain regional trait. We are thus faced with a socio-spatial dynamics that moves and restructures under the direction of a production/continuous play and differential of a "second nature", intensely subjected the dynamics of capital appreciation (especially of financial capital in association with other fractions of the capital), reflecting the blatantly to the plane of the space breeding, a process that produces conflicts and contradictions that, under that logic , become more recrudescidos, marking thus the capitalist socialization peculiarities in the periphery.

On point to contradictions engendered in the wake of uneven and combined development, Mandel identifies potential revolutionaries or processing when reiterates that "the contradiction between the growth of productive forces and the survival of the capitalist relations of production assumes an explosively", leading to "a capitalism increasingly sharp crisis of these relations of production" (1985, p. 393). Understanding it as a "global social crisis", with the meaning of a "historic decline of an entire social system and mode of production", leading to the rise of spatial inequalities (which he understood as necessary for capitalist accumulation), Mandel points to the emergence of "a new trend of everyday class struggles, able to transform conflicts faced in starting point for anticapitalist movements of mass" (p. 407) challenging "increasingly the core values and priorities of the capitalist mode of production also in social level" (p. 409).

The analysis undertaken by Mandel provides important subsidies, among other things, the training under way, of a differential and unequal effectively spatiality in capitalism, which not only refers to the resurgence of the contradictions in the countries of socioespaciais late capitalism, as is the case in Brazil, as, in a manner directly related to the refurbishment itself contributes substantially, and updating of regional studies, allowing us to in this perspective, contradict and inquire about an alleged hasty ideas homogenization of places and spaces; ideas with which compactuamos not, it is important to point out, since the performance space of capitalism frontotemporal acts simultaneously both vectors to some homogenization, covering components and repetition on regularity of phenomena of social and economic process, as vectors of the same underlying differentiation, vectors incorporating, dialectically, a double movement of disintegration and preserve socioespaciais structures historically constituted , keeping intact the logic of production and reproduction of the spatially uneven development.

This means, then, that the achievement of socio-spatial capitalism, intensive guidance-expansive under the financial aegis, both globalization implies as if Valley of differentiation and inequality itself to reproduction and maintenance, for which the "peripheral condition", to which a large portion of the world's countries are subjected, plays a key role. This condition defines a "subordinate position in the hierarchy of the places in the world capitalist economy", so that the spaces subjected to power relations, whether by external forces or by internal causes, if not both, can provide obtaining milking super profits from the different forms of exploitation and accumulation of capital (MATHEWS, 2005, p. 83).

It is worth remembering that the enlarged reproduction of capital profit is the engine of the economic dynamics of capitalism, whose contemporary actors are prominently corporations, legal persons that, in General, are of collective ownership, such as the "corporations", whose activities are marked by high competition, coercion and exploitation, driven by obsessive desire unlimited expansion and continued growth (CAPRA, 1995). "Even when growth is present and could, a priori, sound like good news," could be anything "except a long quiet river", since the technical innovations he supports "not only disturb down our customs and our ways of living", but also "create inevitably unemployment, inequality, and even Supreme paradox , degrowth. "(FERRY, 2015, p. 22). About that, the occurrence of crises of devaluation, with the decrease of the rate of profit, arising from situations of overproduction, with the saturation of the market in terms of supply, well demonstrates, exposing us, so that the production process terminates inherent contradictions. These contradictions that reverberates significantly in space, arising mainly "practical and social content and, specifically, of the capitalist content", full of conflicts, between a space to be rational and the most immediate space in which unfolds the social drama, for which he is known, lived, but also fragmented and marketed under the interference of capital and the State (LEFEBVRE , 2008, p. 57).

Socio-spatial inequality and periphery

The socioespaciais consequences of power purchased by corporations or big economic conglomerates give evidence to show even more harmful in peripheral countries (see, for example, the recent episode of the breaking of the dam of the mining company Samarco in Mariana, Minas Gerais), with the explicit or implied State guardianship, which acts more as a kind of partner preferred those companies or greater than as a watchdog and regulator. Being emblematic the case of Brazil, the situation in the country an explicit nude impairment of ability to govern the State, exposing the exhaustion of political and institutional arrangements in force and the depletion of the economy, signaling for an effective regulatory disarray of the State in relation to companies and their projects in the territory. About it, we've got that in Brazil today, unlike the decades subsequent to the period developmental world war, especially between the years 1950-70, the largest portion of the companies and their projects in territory lost much of its control by the State. And it is precisely in the performance associated with large companies with political actors and local and regional elites, operating from the perspective of economic gain, we found the key to the corporate control of the territory, the condition which multiply social wealth ownership strategies, involving the rise of malpractices and the worrying escalation of kleptocracy in the country, this is , of a State in which the nation is no longer governed by the rule of law impartially and becomes governed by the discretion of people who control political power, turning it into economic value or by actually Instrumenting it for this purpose. In other words, a State ruled by thieves for thieves who use of powers and possibilities granted by its functional position in the hierarchy of administrative and political power of the State to operate illegal practices, in collusion with economic and financial power, devoted to the ownership/accumulation of wealth socially produced, in the case of a complex system of high corruption, under the direction of a high-level organized crime on the State apparatus.  Under this condition the corrupt practices become systemic, operating as a kind of retrovirus of politics, signaling the need for urgent and unavoidable reforms as political reform, among others.

Considering that the logic of formation of this spatiality uneven recubra and also reproduce in sub-national scales, as in the case of urban spaces, one can understand why the periphery, with their spaces, if present in time and space as a sort of unfinished work, as a socio-spatial process that does not stop or rewind, before, on the contrary, that spans and acquires great complexity and diversity with greater magnitude and clairvoyance in medium cities and metropolises. Transcending the limits of mere location and condition to act massively poverty spellings, the periphery has been transforming rapidly under the territorial inflows from recovery, incorporating, so lift, new urban forms and functions, conforming as a mosaic rather restless sociospatial. This aspect often has been regarded as something that would encourage or induce, under the claims of compelling need (often denied by the State), creating effervescences cultural-political and experimental practices territorializadas, often intentional character, seeking to achieve, to his manner and within the limits of its possibilities, social visibility and answers as much as possible, the daily demands and problems experienced.

However, it is worth remembering that, historically, the regional and urban peripheries, from the point of view of capital and the State, played, and still plays the role of giving large contingents of cheap labor force; This workforce, it is important to note, that underpins the broader education of the city and the territory in which they live and reproduce all social segments, including the production of own peripheries, whether as wage labour, either as mutual help – or self-construction, and even as working arrangements analogous to slavery, especially in civil construction with works there included with public funding. Urbanization and the production of the territory has been thus supported largely by the massive exploitation of large portions of cheap workforce and poor, present massively these spaces peripherals, but also, though to a lesser degree, in Central spaces of large urban centers, as people who live in slums. That way, there are still regional polarities between wealth and poverty, in the same way that the reproduction of the intra-regional disparities and intra-urban, with the novelty, nowadays, that these asymmetries are, especially within intra-urban, evolving convergent direction, spatially-a trend approach between socioespaciais inequalities, notably in countries of industrialization/late modernization, and check out the featured cities , such as São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Belo Horizonte, Salvador, Recife, etc., revealing of great contrasts socioespaciais.

Then we could say that the more general structure of urban space, in particular, effectively settles in social inequalities, revealing them in their diversity, to what centralization and concentration of capital driving in space ", which also can exercise over the means of production and wealth, show the contradictory and inequitable marking pointedly urbanisation and capitalist cities. In the urban environment of peripheral societies that uneven intrinsic to it full with modernity merging with poverty in a very complex and diverse space, exposing a markedly hybrid structure, ambivalent and unstable, but nevertheless very dynamic (BECKER; EGLER, 1994, p. 170).

Is quite illuminating, in this sense, monitor the process of formation of the Brazilian territory and, more specifically, the terms as the modernization process of Brazil, mainly from the years 1930. Generally speaking, it resulted in a markedly centralised modernization, carried out from top to bottom, based on a pact with State economic elites, by which she set up as a conservative modernisation, becoming the central axis of the formation of modern Brazil. Influencing structural changes from the political sphere, this "modernization by the high" marked the evolutionary dynamics of formation background of the Brazilian territory, with him as well, very selective actions of State economic planning. Among other things, she drove a rapid oligopolização of the brazilian economy and large-area regional contrasts, which redefine and update in this under the neoliberal globalization, exposing large investment opportunities to private capital in the territory and an almost obsessive search for the insertion of the Brazil international global markets.  In this sense, sets underway the development of a new accumulation pattern in the national territory of eminently business-economic instrumentaliza the territory as network and reaffirms its condition as the basis of value creation, as merchandise, subject, so its dimension as value in use. The ongoing accumulation in the current period represents a form of capitalist socialization of the economy and the territory which aims for a significant expansion of the base of private property, increasing concentracionistas processes under the command of major corporate enterprises or economic conglomerates.

In this context, and under this condition, move a form of management of the territory and, more specifically, under the direction of business and how thing for entrepreneurs, by inflating a wide privatization of enterprise templates, space concentracionista motion by which the space Coupe in corporate space, and talk the same way, in cities.  Such logic, by our understanding, aggregates and leverages substantial impacts to the environment and the socio-diversity of places, inciting degradation, conflict and barriers at the same step that barriers and social segregation and espoliações borders, striking aspects of contemporary socio-spatial inequality, which arise at the fulcrum of political conflicts of our times, principally directed at affecting the acute need how to improvement of living conditions of the impoverished populations with the assurance of tangible rights to all, not "abstract principles of social justice" (PIKETTY, 2015, p. 10).

Therefore, the plan of its realization not only capitalism operates unequally and contradictory, as if Valley and instrumentaliza inequalities, requiring, therefore, of their own poverty, which may seem paradoxical. Not without reason have to in the 21st century, under a major development of the productive forces of the capital, with notable advances in science and technology, compulsory forms of exploitation of labor, analogous to slave labor, not only remain as are reproduced, especially in cycles of crisis, as the current. The examples are multiplying in the world, with milhões people subjected to coercive forms of work, both in urban environments as in rural clothing, construction, restaurants, places of prostitution, domestic environments, potteries, charcoal kilns, quarries, agricultural areas, logging, etc., and offer as examples the cases of Brazil, Haiti, Central America, Mexico, China, India, Myanmar, Sudan, but also Sweden , United Kingdom (England, Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland), United States, among others. This means that the process of capital appreciation, especially in peripheral spaces, implies the "capitalist production of non-capitalist relations of production" (MARTINS, 1990), bringing up socioespaciais corresponding to them implications, engaged in more specific localized recovery expressions capitalist space, writing them certain particularities.

Global capitalism of aegis and financial socioespaciais expressions of extensive urbanization

With the development of global capitalism and the intense development of the productive forces, supported in networks of various types, the urbanization of society was consolidated and if ramped up, as an extensive urbanization or expanded, transcending the boundaries of cities, reaching and submitting the field, making the city the locus of virtually everything that happens in the countryside. Under capitalist inequality urbanization socioespaciais attend as one of its main expressions, producing historically the formation of various social segments and also different modes of appropriation of socially produced wealth, revealing, in that sense, the failure of basic conditions of expressive plots survival of society, aiming thus at own impossibility of all urban, with increasingly larger portions of people subjected to a set of constraints and deprivations by establishing procedures for perverse insertion or precarious and exclusion. Such a situation, of course, not to be confused with the idea of a crisis of adaptation to urban, here understood as "an integral part and a more fundamental contextual generalization individualizing on the spatiality of social life" (soy, 1993, p. 186). Therefore, one cannot lose sight of the fact that socioespaciais are inequalities based on land ownership and private ownership, produced in the wake of the enlarged reproduction of capital and the widespread transformation of space in merchandise, and, not incidentally, she shut down not only a sense of social injustice, but also of social conflict.

Hence we could assure that urbanism itself has been converted into a production force, interfering and modifies social relations, there included those of production, but not showing enough, by itself, to turn them. That doesn't mean, however, take the urban and, more specifically, the urbanism under the direction of the reification of space. It's not too much to say that the space is here understood in the sense of socially organized and built space, in which "social and spatial relations are dialectically inter-reativas; interdependent ", while" the social relations of production are space-and space quotas "(soy, 1993, pp. 102-103).

The dynamism achieved by the capitalist mode of production consolidates an effective asynchrony between the economic sphere and politics, in which wins the first lifting pre-eminence the economic basis of social process a command role, involving a mismatch between economic and social processes that take place within the framework of national and international institutions that should perform the adjustment in fact, causing disruption between these instances. What does not allow statements regarding the existence of a duality between economic and political, that, in reality, does not exist, the economic social relations assume under a dialectic relationship of double determination. It is, more properly, the laying of the rationality of the globalized market in the political process, progressively establishing certain mercantile feature to the existential and to everyday life, therefore covering the various territorial scales space. Such socio-spatial enforcement represents the consolidation of the world of goods, in the widespread realization conditions of the recovery process.

This economic enforcement in relation to the submission implies the social use and value in use at the exchange value, which is responsible for the procedural development of a conflict between these dimensions, with the use and the use value become subjugated by the exchange value. With the space become merchandise, says opposition antithetic disturbing among them, not only in the theoretical plan reveals, as well the Marx identified in some of his texts, though, it is clear, he did not come to the capital to study empirically; projecting also, and increasingly, in the practical world-sensitive, unevenly in time and space.

This means that there are different possibilities of appropriation of space and the city by the social actors, reflecting their positions in the social hierarchy. Such differentiations materialize on spatial and urban structure, often leading to tension and conflicts to plan access to important features to life and social reproduction, such as housing, public transport, employment, education, health, leisure, etc., thus feeding the socio-spatial segregation and conflict around representations and perceptions by different agents, which acquire projection in social life.

Becoming, so a given the objective reality, such conflict marks the contemporary urbanization Fund, advancing with the multiplication of private appropriation of space, and corporate takeovers, highlight expanded substantially the private base of its realization. One of the implications of this process, essentially concentracionista, one can highlight the increased compression forces in everyday life, social, environment and reproduction in the public space, by escalating inequality and segregation socioespaciais. Are components that operate on the basis of the escalation of urban violence and the formation of high levels of discomfort and stress in the city, critical point that takes the brand of unemployment and underemployment, precarious working conditions, low wages and deleterious conditions of educational system and public health.

Lift training of territories and cities therefore guard corporate relations with the current aegis financial globalization, which imposes an overwhelming financialisation of the economy, with great coverage in space, more specifically in business around it. Indeed, the financial capital is in the appropriation of space a robust support to your guard and valorization, which is defined as a reproductive strategy, a markedly competitive environment and with the capital subject to devaluation processes, giving us the tone of contemporary capitalist crisis.

By way of example, see what happens in the housing segment, with the spread, worldwide, of the same paradigm, become dominant, which is the model of financialisation of the Villa. This model has taken under the cash inflows of neoliberalism, to dismantle public housing systems supported by the State, with the objective of implementation in individual home with funding by bank loans, with public banks expanding forms of attracting investments for this purpose. The fundamental condition to this situation lies in individual private property, allowing the land and housing are constitutive in a financial asset, for resale to a planetary scale.

Financial agents play a large role in the housing market, providing credits for the construction and purchase of real estate, in which the costs involved are substantially elevated. Hence the financial capital to attend as a pre-eminent agent in shaping the built space, by means of its reproduction. This process occurs through a broad articulation of financial capital with other fractions of capital (land, commercial and industrial), with the coordination of the State (CARLOS, 2015, p. 57). Of these operations is to provide profits and money accumulated that redirect to the financial market, fueling robust investments in production of new urban forms and new spaces, such as corporate buildings, refurbishment of central areas, old industrial spaces, of port areas etc., operations that both leverage the appreciation of land ownership as favouring more general conditions of movement of value in response, therefore, the restructuring of expressive plots in the city, which has often involved in evictions and expropriation, subverting, basic social rights, under the seal of the State. Almost invariably the urbanistic interventions conducted by the State have contributed substantially to the expansion of socio-spatial inequality and tensions in everyday life.

It is worth remembering that in the set of shapes that make up the total urban structure the "fixed" is the main housing and the most extensive forms of urban land use, meaning a lot more than just a shelter, being also a form of insertion in town, if only to summing up the housing housing unit, but including all other forms built that make up the urban space (BAGGIO , 1995, p. 5). What in suggests the idea of thinking about the universe as a housing space-relational system, structurally diverse and uneven, reflecting the very structure of the capitalist society classes, making access to socially produced goods and services takes place under the brand name of selectivity, even bigger in the periphery of the world system, as the brazilian. And housing is one of the goods (merchandise) that significant portions of society do not have access remotely satisfactory, given the low salaries, in an economy that in essence is markedly and that, thus, does not absorb them all, making insertion precarious forms multiply in society and space. In the limit this reality so if is given the existence, on the other hand, the workforce, overexploitation they were imposing huge income restriction to a large portion of the working class, and, on the other hand, the institution of private property of land and the Organization of space by capital. The contradictions and incompatibilities resulting from territorially empiricizam poverty, producing urban space production technique, economically and socially segregated. In the country of late industrialization, especially, we have this fundamental contradiction embodied in a vector of many illegal socioespaciais from the point of view of planning legislation and the code of buildings, works, so the models of ownership and organization of urban space established in the legal regulations in force. These practices illegal insertion in the city, from the point of view of the State, have, however, and historically formed in the possible alternatives of "resolution" of the problem of how and where to live among low income social segments (BAGGIO, 1995, p. 11-12), whose socioespaciais expressions are part of large portions of our urban peripheries, mainly.

With inflows of financialisation in the real estate market, a massive production logic of merchandise, that has driven by State actions, removals of impoverished populations of submoradia, with the consideration of production of housing estates in peripheral spaces, often with shortcomings and inadequacies of infrastructure and services, stressing greater difficulties of social reproduction and quality of life. Is opening the quick steps a very lucrative urban political front to finance capital, multiplying investment in urban. Spatial transformations for which the city has passed-inch quick steps, but producing conflicts and resistances. Although they can identify achievements auspicious for movements and other urban fights involving clashes with hegemonic powers, these are still activism, at least for now, and in General, rather than piecemeal, because come on expanding and strengthening their joints, weighing the use of new communication technologies that operate, in fact, scale to politics.

The context of crisis that emerged in the late 1960 and early ' 70, the exhaustion of the Fordist pattern of accumulation and the transition towards a new standard, that David Harvey means of "flexible accumulation" (1992), which created their own crisis of fordistas agglomeration economies. This crisis has boosted the devolution movement of industrial capital, representing a first moment of formation of new urban areas and urban centres. This movement of creation of new agglomerations plurimunicipais there under the development of outsourcing, which under the current crisis by imposing them a higher density in their relations with great dynamism and projection to the service sector, under the preponderance of the financial sector and its huge investments in the expansion and restructuring of the space. Edward Soja in clarifies its meaning more comprehensive, to point out that:

"The restructuring, in its broadest sense, conveys the notion of a ' skid marks ', or a break in the secular trends, and a change in the direction of an order and a significantly different configuration of the social, economic and political life. Evokes a sequential combination of collapse and reconstruction, deconstruction and reconstitution attempt from certain deficiencies or disturbances in thought and action. The old order is frayed enough to prevent conventional Adaptive patches and demand, instead of them, a significant structural change ".

[…] "The restructuring is not a mechanical or automatic process, nor their results and potential possibilities are predetermined. In its hierarchy of demonstrations, the restructuring should be considered sourced from and severe shocks in reactive situations and pre-existing social practices, and trigger an intensification of competitive fights for control of the forces that constitute the material life. So, she implies flow and transition, offensive and defensive postures, and a complex blend and heartedly continuity and change. As such, restructuring falls between the partial reform and the revolutionary transformation, between the situation in perfect normality and something completely different "(soy, 1993, p. 193-194).

In fact, this "skid marks" implies at the same time, changes in time and space, resizing the social practices, which cover both the city and the countryside, manifesting itself, in General, for a greater territorial segmentation of supply chain and creating new features, increased fragmentation and redefining territorial disparities, increasing, inter alia, socio-spatial segregation processes, increasing inequalities. The close relationship between restructuring and spatiality translates an attempt to adjust capitalism, reactively, their temporal and spatial matrices (soy, 1993), which covers many countries of original industrialization (those with greater incisiveness), as spaces of the periphery of the world system, as is happening in Latin America, and so spectacular, in Brazil. Socioespaciais transformations arising from, involving associated productive restructuring and the adoption of neoliberal policies, pointing to the fact that the cities, more than before, are being structured and managed in compliance with the demands of the capital to a large discrepancy with the social demands. So, the sharp drop in employment in the industry, the expansion of outsourcing, the downgrading of wages and rights, among other conditions, only increasing disparities socioespaciais, compressions and the Follies in everyday life, especially in large metropolitan urban conglomerates.

Undoubtedly the financial capital has answered by expressive socioespaciais changes, mainly in metropolitan spaces, but also in medium-sized cities, will move in. The creation of these new centralities and functions prints new dynamics of economic valuation of space, very attached to the exponential growth of car use in our society and, relacionadamente, the extension of the road network. In this sense, the most current urban expansion vectors are along major arteries of automobile circulation, favouring, among other things, the expansion of gated communities in the peripheral sectors of the city. The car once again appears as a vital to the urban fabric spreading. As such real estate projects are multiplying and extensively, giving a tendency in the current urbanization (covering both cities large, medium and even small), the motorization of society there, and starkly, coercively, influencing deleterious effects in the life of growing portions of the population. Thus, they become subject to an increasingly fragmented urban forming, uneven and lively, substantially conditioned upon development of outsourcing and, in particular, and so associated with, automotive traffic. Diverse situations in Latin America can be identified and, in particular, in Brazil, if rather emblematic of this process.

It is striking that the generalization of the use of the automobile in our society, especially in urban environments, came to represent a component of compression and disturbance to the environment and to everyday life, also designing as a public health problem. Answering by regular congestion, air pollution, noise and visual, large-scale accidents, acidification, impacts on buildings and historic monuments, sedentary/obesity, attention disorders, respiratory problems and heart, irritability, among other problems, the widespread use of the automobile represents, therefore, expanded training of a degrading and degenerative environment in our cities. In Brazil, markedly rodoviarista country, the major urban centres have become true hell.

We have to this centrality of the automobile usage implies a form of urban life in which the relationship between the people and the city becomes increasingly mediated by gas, signaling some kind of further conditions of socio-spatial alienation, when walking and landscape enjoyment, that create more direct relations between ambiences and people and to the places , decline under the reign of the automobile engine of society, what appears as a basic expression of the logic of the commodity in the social process.

For many the car metamorfoseou a length or attachment of the body itself, and there is some perception that without him the modern life practically could be an obstacle. There is evidence that has already become something more coveted and valued than the own dwelling or place of residence, often being elevated to the condition of life project. Is insufficient, therefore, justify the increased use of the automobile by real weaknesses of the public transport system, which is not far from the truth. However, there seems to be strong evidence that the mere improvement of this system would not be able to reverse this condition.

The centrality acquired by Auto in modern society involves the transformation of the street (a public space) in place of passage and streams, making it a doubly space split, that is, as a place of passage of pedestrians, who jostle under the rhythmic time from work, and as a means of circulation, privileged which suggests, along with other variables , a kind of private ownership-street market, for which the car exerts effects conditions and fundamental inducers. In this sense,

"The invasion of automobiles and industry pressure, i.e. the automobile lobby, make it a pilot parking object an obsession, the movement a priority goal, destroyers of all social and urban life.             The day will need to limit the rights and powers of the automobile, not without difficulties and destruction "(LEFEBVRE, 1999, p. 29).

Such transformation of street represents the conflicting prominence Exchange and exchange value in relation to the use and the value in use, which involves a sense of certain mortification of the street, which doesn't do, however, without resistances and reactions. And this reason represent historically a meeting place and social skills important to urban life, leading to "other dates" in certain places, that next to its sidewalks, such as bars, cafes, cafeterias, restaurants, cultural centers, municipal markets, parks and nightclubs. Even if such places are subject to inflows of transformers/current metropolitan, they, nonetheless, and within certain limits, promote relational atmospheres that enliven urban life, promoting approaches and unequal differences favouring retreats. Are aspects that represent important segregationist tendencies counterpoints in the city. Which doesn't make the refund of the street the "solution" to this problem, although it requires other possibilities to urban life, in the midst of a fragmented daily inflows and subjected to an order sharply over-bureaucratised, pregnant with coercive and repressive aspects.

Given this, and in his defense, you can speak to:

"Wherever the road disappear, crime increases, is organized. On the street, and this space, a group (the city itself) manifests itself, appears, takes ownership of places, performs a time-appropriate space. Such a settlement shows that the use and value of use may dominate the Exchange and the exchange value "(LEFEBVRE, 1999, p. 30 Gryphons).

In the face of this scenario and the city and, indeed, the everyday life cry out for socioespaciais and political-societal scale, despite the activities of prominent capitalist appropriation of vector space, fueled, as it turned out, the financialisation of the economy. The demands of the use and value of using lay thus in direct conflict with the ongoing processes of economic valuation of space, both in central areas, particularly large cities, as in peripheral spaces, covering the formation of axes aglomerativos trend of city expansion, not too much stress-inducing role represented by Auto in the process.

In the central areas, this recovery has been triggered, generally for urban revitalization projects conducted by the State, often involving partnerships with financial agents, which often precipitate urban gentrification, a process that, to a large extent, makes the permanence of impoverished social segments in these areas, such as residents of tenements, etc., who cannot afford the costs of such operations from urban location. Occurs, thus a progressive replacement of these social segments by others of higher purchasing power, as you can notice from the deployment of new business in these spaces revitalized, as designer shopping, nightclubs, new hotels, restaurants and bars "more sophisticated", etc. What seems important to retain here is that, in addition to producing social and morphological changes of rides in town, gentrification is responsible for the imposition of a espoliativo character and rationality that enhances inequities and separatist tensions in the urban space.

The elevation of the land charged by the owners, from such revitalization projects, under the cloak of culture and heritage guard, operates on the basis of this process of invasion and succession in the city. We point out, by the way, which is through the investment of capital in the space that the Earth-merchandise if the metamorphoses in real estate capital, a financial asset that appears so in the form of a new base of buildings (restored, modified or replaced by others) and urban functions. It is therefore evident that this recovery process acts as a robust socio-spatial inequality, vector vector that is held by a close association between the State and the capital, with the first acting as the largest representative of corporate interests, to the detriment of the majority of society. The typification of this association involves therefore the sense of an unequal society project, which is expressed as legal inequality of wealth and in the face of citizenship as soon as socio-spatial inequality.

Reaffirms, in this direction, that space has become, effectively, safe and preferential basis to the capital appreciation, especially in crisis cycles, resulting in her reproductive conditions that generally are created primarily by the State. You can offer as an example the geographical allocation of capital strategies devalued, making multiply inversions which, generally speaking, maximise its concentration, or even your supermonopolização on a global scale, increasing corporate production processes.

This expansive dynamic-concentracionista is a striking aspect of the contemporary capitalist spatiality and, thereby, the uneven development, by escalating substantively spatial disparities. "And when there is the geographic inequality in capitalist development, there are geographical transfers of value" (soy, 1993, p. 139); transfers, according to soy, define themselves as mechanisms or processes by which "part of the value produced at one location, area or region is held in another, adding to the base of localized accumulation of receiving region" (p. 140). Such mechanisms are new relations of exploitation in the places of reception, establishing a changeable space that resembles the Center-periphery structure, but with bigger laminates, holding as true empirical multifractalizados mosaics, which, while expressing the geographically uneven development of the globalized contemporary capitalism, also are firmly articulated to him, thus integrated to your logic.

David Harvey (2004) highlights the fact that, in the current cycle of capitalism, such transfer mechanism comes with espoliativas growing practices, producing impasses, conflicts and restrictions on accumulation itself. Can be understood, then, that this espoliativa dimension of the new accumulation pattern enhances spatial inequalities and conflicts within the framework of social reproduction, involving, among other things, despossessões and privatization of public assets, projecting that as dispossession socioterritorial. Bearing the sense of a recrudescida exploration of the work, the accumulation by dispossession, ongoing, materializes as a striking aspect of the urbanization and urban in contemporary times.

In the wake of this new pattern of accumulation levels of concentration of the world's wealth increases, exacerbating inequalities, especially from the years 1970-1980, producing significant asymmetries between countries socioespaciais, suggesting, according to Thomas Piketty (2014, p. 233), that "the institutional and political differences have played a central role" in the production of these contrasts, scenario in which companies can be found sporting corporations invoicing over Gdp of entire countries. With regard, more specifically, to the inequality of incomes, the author points out that the inequality of the capital has been regularly above; regularity that "itself is not evident," revealing, with accuracy, "the nature of economic and social processes that govern the dynamics of accumulation and distribution of assets" (p. 240). Hence "the distribution of the property of capital and revenues that comes from" present "systematically more concentrated than the distribution of the incomes from work", weighing, for that, the fact that the "strong" capital accumulation in current times to meet closely tied to receiving inheritances (capital inherited) and their cumulative effects, favoring savings mechanisms (p. 239). Which is not to say, warns Economist, that one should disregard the inequality of incomes from work in relation to the capital, since the first express expressive plots of national income between two-thirds and three-fourths, approximately; In addition to its distribution was always quite uneven between different countries. It reveals that public policies and national differences can have important implications in the conformation of the inequalities and living conditions of large portions of the population (p. 250).

In this same context, it is clear that the overwhelming financialisation of the economy, provided largely by the desregulametação of the flow of capital and the spectacular development of communication technologies, have led to a double movement of correlated variables. On the other hand, has been "a recurring process of devaluation of the work, with a progressive precariousness of the conditions of employment and remuneration", and, on the other, the "applicant unemployment", leading to the deterioration of the market, labour relations and social policy, at "the widespread increase of economic and social inequality in the developed and developing nations" (DEDECCA, 2010, p. 2), although the poverty generally decreased in the world, while the distance between the richest and the poorest has increased, which points to a greater enrichment of a minority, thus producing an even greater concentration of wealth.

Especially on the periphery of the world system and, in particular, in Latin America, sharply contrasting socioespaciais disparities behave entirely the sense of an opposition degrading, that both covers how encourages the multiplication of borders and partitions monitored between unequal spaces.

In the context of the market can be identified in dualization between, on the one hand, more advanced activities and experiments, better paid and more robust, and, on the other hand, a large segment of inverse features. Would not exactly of a duality, but more properly a contradictory and unequal capitalist process itself, terminating a corresponding spatiality uneven, but his conditions and determinations of the current crisis. There is, thus, the formation of a labour market quite segmented, revealing a significant social polarisation. Facing this situation, regulatory and social functions of the State suffer a significant pullback, while if labour relations more flexible, weakening them. Alongside the rise in unemployment, this results in the expansion of the informal sector of the economy levels, influencing a greater precariousness to the labour market and, therefore, the very social reproduction.

Such socio-spatial condition implies, surely, on restrictions on the right to the city to a growing number of people, suggesting that urbanization has in fact become critical, in order to express themselves as impossibility of all urban. Has an urban and a city are by the negativity of the work, which includes the sense of alienated labour, not showing generally as creative activity as a source of value, but more specifically as a means to maintaining physical existence of the worker who does not aspire, for the most part, something other than conspicuous consumption.

In the contemporary circumstances of an unstoppable commodification of space, with the State coordinating actions in the city so as to make it competitive and attractive to new investments, under the direction of the greatest possible capitalization, this guidance has not, in General, larger counterparts in terms of social and environmental development, although it takes place under the ideological garb of sustainability, the new vector media guide the great business ventures in space , the example of projects aimed at creation of condominiums, which arose as a trend in current urbanization.

The geographical spread of these urban forms, even in small towns, consolidates a urban enclaves, highlighting a expansive private ownership modality and multiplication of discontinuities in the urban fabric. They multiply with the stricter demarcation of separation, accenting considerably, along with other variables, the transformation of the city into a kind of anticidade, which so conform under the character of segregation, inequality, violence, fear, insecurity and widespread distrust.

This scenario of escalation and update socioespaciais inequalities, substantially weakened democratic institutions, hindering the participation and consensus, although the right to participation is formally guaranteed. And both the problems of social participation as the representative's own request changes in shape of the policy itself, in the sense of society gravitate more around than the State (and estadolatria), not like mediation only or exclusive social practices. Social practices, explain, understand many actions conducted by movements and other forms of socio-political organization, as well as theoretical practices that interact under the direction of a fruitful dialectic.

The aforementioned policy perspective does not mean, however, the disqualification or negative state, or the refusal of any form of valid and legitimate authority, which also covers leadership and/or spokesmen of movements and other forms of action. What is not confused with a condition of co-optation subordinate to the State, but, more specifically, of a via guided by an effectively diversified and participatory insertion of people in political life, in the sense of an act more potentized and pluralistic actually restricting or even neutralizing areas of thought and coercive power. She recobriria both the right to exercise practices under the direction of direct democracy, as well as the continuous improvement of representative democracy, discouraging both right-wing extremism, as ultra-liberal character expressions. These forces, as you well know, endanger democracy itself, in the same way that anything contributing to the destruction/overcoming of capitalism and, much less, to creating an "other" and best form of corporate organization.

Nevertheless, new political and institutional arrangements are needed, such as political reform, which, in addition to combat problems related to corruption, component that feeds the inequalities, if would also to solving the crisis of representativeness and the improvement/expansion of forms of social participation in political life, actually restricting or discouraging practices of rigging and allotment of the State.  In addition to the political reform is also conducting a tax reform, promoting a more structural review of the matter, with a view to a more federalist system, preventing war between the States and the places. This reform should tax more income than consumption, simplifying the taxes levied upon him, among other things. Furthermore, the urgent need to advance the urban reform in the country, which is facing, as we all know, great difficulties. She stumbles on powerful economic interests around the space, covering the State itself, but her substantial interference of dominant social classes. About it is recalled that at the current stage of urbanization, urban planning is submitted to the logic of the companies and of the business, with the State playing the role of provider of profit conditions from investors, boosting the opening of capital appreciation fronts in space, so the production and appropriation of surplus value. There is an urgent need, in addition, carry out pension reform, whose current system constituted a permanent source of heavy indebtedness of the State.

Alongside other reforms not less important, these reforms are essential to boost the economic, social and territorial development, putting in perspective the policy prioritization which are effectively able to reduce inequalities and strengthen social rights.

On the other hand, we allow ourselves to the extent that the capitalism, in its contradictory movement and above all peripheral conditions, allows the construction of a more advanced democracy in order to promote an effective reduction of inequalities and social justice. It would be really true that capitalism supports democracy, as many believe? The everyday urban life wouldn't be turning (on the periphery, addressed first, but also in parts of the Center) in nuclear situations of economies of expropriation at the same step that economies of operation, with strong espoliativos traits? See, for example, changes that are processing in the world of work, involving the increasingly insecure, the orientation of work under meta (and the permanent pressure to reach them), job instability, fears on the possibility of unemployment constant, overwhelming routine; Finally, a set of components generators of anguish, pain, stress, Burnout Syndrome (known as professional exhaustion syndrome) and depression. Are undoubtedly worrying expressions work, more specifically the alienated work, advancing quickly, and de-humanising if universalizes with globalization and its accumulation espoliativa machine. Coercively modulates the working capital needs, making this a condition given the inexorable and "natural". Under such a condition, one can speak of the expanded training of a sort of Kingdom of non-work, work as negativity, whose forms and their related unsafe compressive organization current leverage a dual condition of vilification, much of the work itself (its policies) as the worker.

Here's a component that seems of the utmost importance to understand more thoroughly the meaning of the current crisis, that also reverberates or manifests as city crisis, invasivamente submitted to the rationality of the job and the market, operating under the logic of an enlarged reproduction of capital, targeted, so extracting "milking super profits from", or to gain margins in excess of the average rate of profit. Under this condition imposes itself as a fundamental and strategic device to the regular activities of the capitalist socio-spatial differentiation agents, threatening and potentially explosive contrasts.

Emerging socioespaciais practices: political counterpoints in everyday urban life

Under the orders of a critical urbanization, producing inequality and compressions in the urban, resistors and spatial-political struggles emerge in the face of a series of adversities experienced, while the plan of daily life a diversity of intentional actions and forms of mobilization equipped, in good part, in a auto-organizacional trait, behaving senses of transformation and emancipation. Generally they hold right distance of the State, but not necessarily denying it. These urban activism have accomplished certain achievements, auspicious, around various issues, such as housing, urban mobility, architectural heritage-cultural, urban and leisure, environment, culture, etc. Although no one can say, at least for now, that protagonizem the city background and transformations of urban life, they represent an array of stimulating questioning these issues, that permeate and influence urban life, arousing the interest of an increasing number of people and sectors of society, with suppressed or unmet demands, often denied by the State. Thus, these forces contribute to the broadening of perspectives and operational possibilities for the treatment of urban problems, representing, in a way, the tax logic counterpoints and unilateral economic rationality. In fact, their actions and strategies promote right substantially reactivation of the social use of public spaces, thus benefiting the urban life.

As a whole these practices score in several places and regions of the city, especially on the urban fringe, where, generally, the demands are more forceful. Thus, their actions and experiences politizam themes and important urban demands, giving them public visibility. They use, among other means, injections of new communication technologies such as the internet and social networks.

In many peripheral infra-urbanizados environments that thrive in the wake of extensive urbanization, marked by buildings and a degraded urban framework, with huge predominance of workers dispersed and separated from centers and most well equipped with services, infrastructure and employment, the fights around the housing and urban improvements have been a constant, in which urban and rural merge and overlap under the terms of a restrictive and exclusive distribution, urbanization that encourages both socially and environmentally harmful practices, such as reactive actions to improve living conditions.

With significant vitality and versatility, these urban activism forge on the banks and interstices of urban spaces noisy socio-political atmosphere, mobilizing potential and desires more stimulating ways to propose inventive, of relacionalidade and use of time and space, that wonder and amplify their own meanings of the city and of the urban, enlarging, moreover, the possibilities of democracy, enriching it beyond guidelines too centric State. They act therefore a auto-organizacional sense to political life, which does not deny, it is recalled, the State, but enhances the forces of social transformation. These practices give thus greater empowerment to social subjects with regard to the preparation and development of projects and actions around demands that more directly affect their lives, representing possible answers or even qualitative political counterpoints to certain procedural reinvention of own everyday life. By the edges and interstices of this spacetime, maybe they're outlining a possible new life philosophy, subscribing to reactively in fulcrum of a contradictory and unequal spatiality, amalgamated to a capitalist consumerist invasivamente everyday, tensioned and coercive, but that, however, does not represent a kind of end of history or via. Under the resurgence of contemporary contradictions, one can even emphasize that such strength of character auto-organizacional not only most likely will grow in Brazil and in the world, as perhaps represent hopes major feasible in contemporary social-political process, with implications no less important in the space sphere, under the direction of a dialectic of double determination.

Final considerations

The diversity that marks the ongoing urban activism allows us to perceive and understand that life is pulsating too reactively under the contradictions and daily clashes suggesting us, somehow, pregnancies policies under the direction of a concrete utopia, emerging to plan possible, so engendered in the present tense. Are auspicious components that the analysis values in research under the methodological procedure of signal transduction, that is, the consideration of the possible object (LEFEBVRE, 1999, p. 18). Transduction opens, in fact, to what can be accomplished, without, however, be restricted to what is given and carried out, subjected to forces determinations full economic, social and political gifts, i.e. putting also Scouting prospective, critic who keeps distance from "real" as is, but without, however, losing sight of it, to think of him as to what he can be. This does not mean we must clarify, designing for the future resolution of the problems that afflict us, but take them from their contradictions and possibilities or signs that creep in the present tense, in transformational perspective.

It is from this perspective that one can postulate that there can be no thinking and responsible social practices that do not pursue a utopia, repeatedly in the sense of a concrete utopia, which incorporates the idea of possibility as a horizon doable to achieve the desire and necessity, embroiling itself as real possibility in a given socio-spatial context. She rests in expressions and social virtues able to suggest or other flag and more desirable ways in the gearbox leveling that focuses on social life, if not confusing, so with mere good faith, idealistic visions or purely contemplative postures of reality. She is not, therefore, as something fanciful or chimerical, not showing to the senses as a simple derivation of the human imagination, but as a perspective anchored in reality and referenced by her acting potential to the transformation of society, and thus of the space itself.

We speak, therefore, of a thought and a praxis which in essence are inseparably articulated, that do not resign themselves to found, confirming it, but which arise in effective line with a socio-spatial transformation over bottom. What prompts greater role and involvement of stakeholders, promoting more advanced situations of daily exercise of democracy, by which people can have greater control and participation in policies and actions that have an impact on your life.

However, the achievement of a desirable and most virtuous transformation of territories and modes of life did not achieve success under the constraint of corrosive hegemony of market forces and of the single thought. If the economy, sandwiched into space, repeatedly gives us evidence that took the business to your larger interest, becoming virtually emptied of concerns about the great social problems we have to resolve this critical socio-spatial condition, unequal and compressive-, much will depend on contractual, but not uniquely or exclusively of prodigalizações strategies and practices politically more stimulants and influenciadoras of being and acting in the world practical-sensitive. They involve, in this sense, a double sense of responsibility at the same spatial and social, that understands and values the differences, so close relations and far, perceived and conceived, not compactuando with the inequalities and segregation, much less legitimised or naturalizing them.

The problems represented by inequality and compressions of everyday life are not settling and appropriate treatment under a logic oriented prominently to economic growth, underlying the idea that material welfare is condition or assumption the improved life forms. As this issue has been dealt with in Brazil, becomes even more clear that the achievement of a more balanced socio-spatial condition effectively, therefore less unequal and must not be restricted compressive so only the territorial deployment activities, requesting the necessary reforms of social and political structures, qualitative changes in their own subjectivities adrede.

In fact, gains relevance the role represented by the humanities, in conjunction to the social movements, urban activism and progressive forces of society, as the drafting of a new ethic, resourceful of socio-spatial reificações and mercantilizadas subjectivities, geared to a more active and responsible integration between the people and the places of life and labor.

Bibliographical references

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BECKER, Bertha K.; EGLER, Claudio. Brazil: a new regional power in the world economy. 2nd. editing. Rio de Janeiro: Bertrand Brazil, 1994.

CAPRA, Fritjof. The turning point. São Paulo: Cultrix, 1995.

CARLOS, Ana F. A. The urban tragedy. In: Carlos, Ana f. a. et al. (orgs.) The city as a business. São Paulo: context, 2015. p. 43-63.

CORRÊA, Roberto l. region and spatial organization. São Paulo: Ática, 1986.

DEDECCA, Claudio s. Work, financialisation and inequality. Text for discussion. IE/UNICAMP. n. 174, Apr. 2010.

Ferry, Luc. The destructive innovation: essay on the logic of modern societies. Rio de Janeiro: Objetiva, 2015.

HARVEY, David. The new imperialism. São Paulo: Loyola, 2004.

LEFEBVRE, Henri. The urban revolution. Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG, 1999.

LEFEBVRE, Henri. Space and politics. Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG, 2008.

MANDEL, Ernest. The late capitalism. 2nd. editing. São Paulo: New Cultural, 1985. (Collection "Economists")

Martins, José de s. the captivity of the land. São Paulo: Hucitec, 1990.

Moraes, Antonio c. r. Territory and history in Brazil. 2nd. editing. São Paulo: Annablume, 2005.

SOJA, Edward w. postmodern Geographies: the reassertion of space in critical social theory. Rio de Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor, 1993.

PIKETTY, Thomas. The economics of inequality. Rio de Janeiro: Intrinsic, 2015.

PIKETTY, Thomas. The capital in the 21st century. Rio de Janeiro: Intrinsic, 2014.

[1] Professor of the Department of geography of the UFV

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