ORIGINAL ARTICLE
SETIM, Carla Regina Buschmann [1]
SETIM, Carla Regina Buschmann. Regularization of property – right that must be promoted. Revista Científica Multidisciplinar Núcleo do Conhecimento. Year 04, Ed. 09, Vol. 02, p. 44-59. September 2019. ISSN: 2448-0959, Access link: https://www.nucleodoconhecimento.com.br/law/regularization-of-property
ABSTRACT
Property has always been an important asset to society; however, part of the current generation that despises this feeling, due to the adoption of new ways of living. Property in Brazil has gone through several phases. Initially, there was a confusing period, with the enactment of sparse legislation and donations of land to the more affluent. The regime instituted was called sesmarias, with the division of Brazilian lands, whose purpose consisted of occupation, due to the territorial dimension. These lands incorporated the patrimony of the kingdom of Portugal, holding the kingdom, rights of use, enjoyment and fruition. It was only in 1850 that the Land Law was edited, which, although it put an end to sesmarias, did not solve other problems related to property, such as the large estates that were formed. It is observed that the history of Brazil points directly to social exclusion; since its regularization, whether in the countryside or in the city, has legal obstacles and high costs. The country’s land registry system consists of a public service, delegated to third parties. Its performance is efficient, ensuring legal certainty; on the other hand, many citizens still do not have access to such services, since they are expensive. The objective of the research focuses, precisely, on the adoption by the State of public policies that fully implement property rights. The theoretical framework was supported by texts, articles and books. Through the research, it appears that public policies that encourage the regularization of property are still timid, although extremely necessary for social inclusion.
Keywords: Property rights, Social inclusion, Broad access, Dignity.
INTRODUCTION
This article is not about a new right, but about new ways of thinking and regularizing a right that is dear, in a broad sense, to citizens: property. The Federal Constitution guarantees the right to property, however, public policies in this sense are timid and promoted, at most, partially. Even if, from a new perspective, dignity and solidarity are protected, valuing the rights of the personality, it is observed that such objectives can be achieved through the regularization of properties.
Therefore, the theme was divided into three topics: the history of property in Brazil; the evolution of land appropriation for regularization in the face of real estate registries and the way in which the real estate registry operates; and, if there is, with that, inclusion or exclusion.
The principle of appropriation of Brazilian lands reveals all sorts of abuses with current consequences. Some pieces of land were distributed widely to those who were close to the King; others were blatantly usurped. Thus, since then, there has been a proprietary basis of exclusion. In the course of the history of property, the Federal Constitution has played a leading role, both guaranteeing the right of possession and instituting its social function.
Also over time, the regularization of real estate has been improved. The registration of real estate produces practical and objective effects, giving the owners wide powers. It is known that certain locations are being occupied irregularly, people build their houses and live there, precariously and with constant risk of being expelled at any time. This situation promotes social exclusion.
On the other hand, there are few public policies that propose to carry out and effect a regularization of irregular properties, and the actions or legislation that sometimes act in this sense do not have an extensive coverage.
BRAZILIAN LAND
HISTORIC
The Brazil that presents itself is a direct result of its history. Identical legacy have their lands. His biography reveals a clear overview of the Brazilian territory, the result of how it was occupied and distributed, the inequality that has always prevailed and still persists, and the sparse and confusing legislation.
It was only in 1850 that the Land Law was enacted in the country, in an attempt to give the newly created State seriousness in relation to its properties. Such a rule is considered as the founder of private property, since, after its edition, payment was established as a way of becoming the owner.
It is interesting to mention that prior to the said norm, the wealth of those belonging to the wealthiest classes who lived in Brazil was attributed solely and directly to the number of slaves they owned.
The colonial period was marked by a confused and disconnected “land legislation”, which consisted of the publication of a large number of notices, administrative resolutions, donation letters, charters and the texts of the Ordinances (NOZOE, 2006); however, as he states, the sesmarias “constitute the basic regime” (NOZOE, 2006) with regard to the lands of Brazil.
The sesmarias comprised a sui generis regime of the Portuguese kingdom that was introduced by the Portuguese monarchy in Brazil in order to promote the settlement of the territory of the Colony, which represented great difficulty, in view of its extension. The aforementioned institute was conceived in 1375, by D. Fernando I. “This law was incorporated into the Philippine, Manueline and Afonsine Ordinances” (DINIZ, 2005, p.2). Some scholars compare it to an Iberian custom from medieval times, called “communalia”, in which land was divided among the settlers for proper cultivation.
In addition to the settlement of Brazilian territory, the Crown also wanted to encourage the use of land by individuals and, having no other legal means, they saw in the sesmarias the solution to the problem. On the other hand, the application of the “sesmarias law” (NOZOE, 2006) culminated in a disorderly and precarious land grabbing.
Crown and Church were powers that complemented each other in the administration of the new territory. The first through the ordinances of the kingdom and the second through the papal bulls. In this context, the implementation of sesmarias would also serve two purposes: to incorporate the lands as assets of the Crown and to provide tithes to the Church. The historian Ruy Cirne Lima cites that “the transplant of the sesmarias institute became inevitable, to the land found by Cabral, assuming that there was no different legal means to settle the immense land, still inviolate” (LIMA, 1988, p. 36).
The vast majority of jurists understand that the lands became part of the private patrimony of the King of Portugal; with full powers of use, enjoyment and disposition. Pereira (1932, p. 5) points out that:
Remontando-se aos primórdios da formação da propriedade imóvel no Brasil, verifica-se que toda a terra era, de início, do domínio da nação portuguesa, isto é, do domínio público. Durante o período colonial […] ella foi se desmembrando… constituindo-se assim excepções ao princípio geral da dominialidade pública sobre a terra brasileira […].
According to historians, the monarch, holder of full real estate powers, only delegated land management. Unlike sesmarias, captaincies were large parcels of land distributed to “gentlemen of the gentry, businessmen, bureaucratic and military officials” (DINIZ, 2005, p.3), as a form of benefit, grace or reward. The captaincies, in turn, were subdivided “in the form of sesmarias”.
The so-called captains received the captaincies and retained only a portion of the property, with the sole responsibility of cultivating the land. At this point, there is a change in the paradigms of D. João III, which provide a clear vision for understanding, in our times, the formation of large latifundia. The monarch, realizing that the destination of the captaincies, for just one life, did not provide the due attraction, changed the strategy for the settlement and obtaining of wealth and “[…] , 2006, p.591).
In addition to influencing the distribution of land, hereditary captaincies were extremely important in the current formation of Brazil. On this fact, Di Pietro, in his text “500 years of Administrative Law”, published in the Electronic Journal of State Law, quotes Clóvis Beviláqua, for whom:
[…] a divisão político-jurídica do país em capitanias hereditárias adaptou-se tão intimamente aos seus principais acidentes geográficos, que resistiu ao estabelecimento de um governo geral e, somente no século XVIII, como observa Oliveira Martins, é decisiva a vitória do sistema centralizador sobre o feudal. Mas, ainda assim, as capitanias desenharam, no organismo nacional, o esboço das futuras províncias, e prepararam a federação dos Estados sob a República (DI PETRO, 2006, p.6).
The panorama presented, in which the Crown incorporates all Brazilian lands, distributing them among those who thought they were able to cultivate them, that is, men of wealthy or noble classes aimed at colonization and production of wealth for the Crown itself. Subsequently, however, the subdivision of the granted portions of land into smaller parts, in order to facilitate cultivation and its care, did not, in practice, have the results desired by the Portuguese.
Then, the latifundia were formed, and, due to them, the expulsion of small workers from the lands and irregular possessions; therefore, the situations of disputes between men worsened. However, the concessions were only interrupted shortly before the Proclamation of Independence, and it was only on September 18, 1850 that Law nº 601 was edited, called the Land Law, whose content was about the “Brazilian agrarian law” and had as “the only way” of acquiring land, the purchase, also ceasing the sesmarias (FONSECA, 2005. p.107-108).
The time elapsed between the Independence of Brazil and the enactment of the Land Law caused and surpassed the agrarian problems, with an expansion of the exploration of the areas of possession and the realization of a process, which since then, promotes social exclusion and opportunity; having served, however, the purposes of the Crown, noble and wealthy. According to Fonseca:
Com a independência do Brasil em abril de 1822 (e a já citada revogação dos sistemas das sesmarias), o jovem império viu-se sem um regime jurídico da propriedade (e, nesse contexto, quando se fala em propriedade quer se referir sobretudo à propriedade das terras); a legislação portuguesa continuaria vigente no Brasil (no caso, sobretudo as Ordenações Filipinas) até que o Império legiferasse de modo específico sobre as questões civis (incluindo aí a questão da propriedade). Essa legislação demoraria um pouco a aparecer (viria somente em 1850, com a “Lei de Terras” […] Mas o interessante é que a Constituição Imperial, que foi a primeira do Brasil, e que seria promulgada logo em 1824, dizia solene em seu artigo 179 – e em grande parte repetindo os termos das declarações de direitos americana e francesa e também o Code Civil francês – que era garantida a “inviolabilidade dos direitos civis e políticos dos cidadãos brasileiros, que tem por base a liberdade, a segurança individual e a propriedade…e, no inciso XXII desse artigo lia-se que é “garantido o direito de propriedade em toda a sua plenitude (FONSECA, 2005, p.106-107).
Note that the Constitution of 1824 had a liberal aspect, even in a country marked by absolutism. From Professor Fonseca’s text, it is extracted that there is an immense paradox between the facts and the abstract world of constitutional laws. The author also demonstrates the “[…] marked tendency of Brazilian culture to receive and adapt European legal principles in a special way […]” (FONSECA, 2005, p.107).
A set of factors determined the enactment of the Land Law, among them the prohibition by European countries of the slave trade, which constituted the main force in the Brazilian economy; the emergence of coffee cultivation, which required a new way of managing farms and plantations; and finally the advance of the industry in the development of specific machinery for agriculture.
Thus, in 1850, the Land Law was edited, with the aim of meeting and reconciling the rights enshrined in the Constitution and claimed by society. In its preamble the Law:
Dispõe sobre as terras devolutas no Império, e acerca das que são possuídas por título de sesmaria sem preenchimento das condições legais bem como por simples título de posse mansa e pacífica; e determina que, medidas e demarcadas as primeiras, sejam elas cedidas a título oneroso, assim para empresas particulares, como para o estabelecimento de colônias de nacionais e de estrangeiros, autorizado o Governo a promover a colonização estrangeira na forma que se declara (BRASIL, 1850).
In an elucidating way, Fonseca (2005, p.108-109) summarizes the essence of this law:
Dos seus 23 artigos, aquilo que constitui o seu “sumo” foi o seguinte: diante da ausência completa de um regime legal para a propriedade desde a revogação do regime das sesmarias (o que instituiu um buraco legislativo de quase 30 anos), ficava estabelecido que o único modo de aquisição das terras devolutas (pertencentes ao Estado) seria a compra e venda, acabando-se, assim, ao menos no âmbito legislativo, com a prática secular de aquisição de terras por meio da posse (art. 1º). A ocupação dessas terras de outro modo ficava sujeita a pesadas penalidades (art. 2º). Após a definição legal de quais seriam as terras devolutas (art. 3º), foram estabelecidos os procedimentos para revalidação das sesmarias e concessões (art. 4º), bem como – e aqui um dos pontos nodais da lei – os requisitos de revalidação das posses (arts. 5º e 6º) que estabeleciam como principal exigência o fato da terra estar cultivada, não bastando os simples roçados e queimadas. Era instituída uma medição obrigatória dos terrenos, tento aqueles obtidos na época das sesmarias quanto aqueles provenientes das posses, sob pena da perda do direito sobre as terras (arts. 7º a 9º).
Já o artigo 10º, como que explicitando a intenção mais profunda dessa lei, aduzia que o governo deveria de modo prático “extremar o domínio público do particular”, acabando com aquela confusa indeterminação que até então ocorria nesse domínio, tanto no âmbito dos fatos quanto no âmbito jurídico. Os arts. 14 a 17 estabeleciam procedimentos de venda das terras, estabelecendo preferência de compra aos proprietários vizinhos, mas com o estabelecimento de alguns ônus aos compradores, enquanto que os artigos 18 a 20 visavam um dos pontos fulcrais dessa lei, que era a colonização: ali havia a autorização do governo para financiar a imigração de mão de obra livre para as fazendas particulares, colônias e serviços públicos, financiamento esse que deveria ser feito com o dinheiro obtido com a venda das terras devolutas (e parte dessa verba também deveria ser destinada à medição dos terrenos). Por fim, no art. 21, a lei cria um órgão de registro das terras (a “Repartição Geral das Terras Públicas”) encarregada de dirigir a medição, divisão e descrição das terras devolutas, bem como fiscalizar a sua venda e distribuição, além de promover a colonização estrangeira (FONSECA, 2005, p.108-109).
Decree No. 1,318, of January 30, 1854, regulated the Land Law, establishing to the General Office of Public Lands the effective mediation, division, description of vacant land; colonization, both by nationals and foreigners; supervision of land distribution and sales transactions; the registration of land owned; and the evaluation of the titles and respective legitimation of the owners (BRASIL, 1854).
With regard to land legitimacy, the decree establishes:
Art. 24. Estão sujeitos à legitimação:
§ 1º As posses, que se acharem em poder do primeiro ocupante, não tendo outro título senão a sua ocupação.
§ 2º As que, posto se achem em poder de segundo ocupante, não tiverem sido por este adquiridas por título legitimo.
§ 3º As que, achando-se em poder do primeiro ocupante até a data da publicação do presente Regulamento, tiverem sido alienadas contra a proibição do Art. 11 da Lei nº 601 de 18 de Setembro de 1850.
Art. 25. São títulos legítimos todos aqueles, que segundo o direito são aptos para transferir o domínio.
Art. 26. Os escritos particulares de compra e venda, ou doação, nos casos em que por direito são aptos para transferir o domínio de bens de raiz, se consideram legítimos, se o pagamento do respectivo imposto tiver sido verificado antes da publicação deste Regulamento: no caso porém de que o pagamento se tenha realizado depois dessa data, não dispensarão a legitimação, se as terras transferidas houverem sido adquiridas por posse, e o que as transferir tiver sido o seu primeiro ocupante.
Art. 27. Estão sujeitas á revalidação as sesmarias, ou outras concessões do Governo Geral, ou Provincial que, estando ainda no domínio dos primeiros sesmeiros, ou concessionários, se acharem cultivadas, ou com principio de cultura, e morada habitual do respectivo sesmeiro, ou concessionário, ou de quem o represente, e que não tiverem sido medidas, e demarcadas (BRASIL, 1854).
From the legislation, we extract the will to establish objective and impartial criteria for the acquisition of land, as well as to root out irregular possessions – an evil that we often face these days. Another important feature is the clear separation between public and private goods.
The social function of land is not exclusive, even if more comprehensive, of the Citizen Constitution, since the Land Law already determined, in its articles 5 and 6, as a requirement for the revalidation of possession, the respective culture of the same. Colonization, according to legal terms, was also a concern of the State, demonstrating an innovative character and showing a new figure, the owner, who in the bourgeois perspective led the individual and property to an individualism, according to the thought of Barcellona, cited above by Mattietto (2005).
In compliance with the Land Law and regulatory Decree No. 1,318/54, in 1861, the report on “PUBLIC LAND AND COLONIZATION” was prepared to the “MINISTER AND STATE SECRETARY OF AGRICULTURE, COMMERCE AND PUBLIC WORKS”, dealing with all Brazilian lands (BRASIL, 1954). This report is cataloged under the name of “rare work”. It is important to point out that it contained the situation of the lands in detail with information on measures, squatters and objective recommendations on destination and colonization in all regions of Brazil. A brief look at the aforementioned work, however, makes us reflect that it did not have a great impact on reducing social inequalities in the country.
REGISTRY SYSTEM
FORMAL REGULARIZATION
The Land Law, No. 601, of September 18, 1850 and the respective Decree No. 1,318, of January 30, 1854, recognized some possessions and established the purchase as a means of acquisition. The notes on the land were made before the church of that locality. This record became known as “Registro do Vigário” (PAIVA, 2014). The effect of the annotation before the churches was “merely declaratory” (PAIVA, 2014) whose intention was to single out public and private lands. However, the current format of real estate records is based on Budget Law No. 317, of October 21, 1843, which provided for mortgage registrations.
The tradition of res, that is, the delivery of the thing to those entitled to it, with the proper transfer of ownership or possession, was replaced by the “transcription of the title as a way of acquiring the property” (PAIVA, 2014), embodied in Law no. 1,237, of September 24, 1864, which establishes that the transfer of the property only takes place through the registration of the title on the respective date. The declaratory registry effects were still in force during this period. Due to the importance attributed to patrimonial assets, the Civil Code of 1916 provided for the rights of things, carefully regulating the acquisition, enjoyment and disposal of real estate.
With the development of the country, new possibilities of legal business for real estate transactions were presented. These include subdivisions, the division between urban and rural land, the promise of purchase and sale, the rural pledge agreement and the condominium. These new types of business were regulated through Decree-Law No. 1,000, of November 21, 1969, which was in force until the enactment of Public Records Law No. 6,015, of December 31, 1973. Over time, real estate registration services were improved to provide legal certainty to real estate negotiations “by publicizing acts and facts” (PAIVA, 2014, p.13). For many scholars, the aforementioned law determines a tripod, “that is, to provide authenticity, security and effectiveness of the legal acts performed” (FOLLE, 2013, p. 8).
The Civil Code of 2002 maintained the matter related to the real estate records provided for in the Code of 1916. We could here discuss all the acts related to the registration system, such as formalities, procedures, singularities, modernization and other intricacies of the referred system, which in fact, for the most part, they have the desired effects on society; however, our task is different at this point.
Even so, it is necessary, at least, to mention that the Brazilian registry model is constitutive and decentralized, performed by legal professionals, through a public tender, who exercise delegated public function, under the terms of article 236 of the Federal Constitution, and who are remunerated by interested parties at rates established in tables, duly established by law. Therefore, there is no doubt that the function performed constitutes a public service linked to the administrative principles of legality, impartiality, administrative morality, publicity and efficiency.
Diniz, teaches that the “Property Registry is based on five systems” (DINIZ, 2009)[2], which according to Folle (2013, p.9) are:
Sistema comum, que é o registro geral previsto pelo artigo 167 da Lei de Registros Públicos; Sistema Rural, regulado pela Lei nº 4.504/1964, artigo 46 e pela Lei nº 5.868/1976, regulamentada pelo Decreto-Lei nº 72.106/1973… o Sistema Especial de Imóveis Rurais Adquiridos por Estrangeiros, por força da Lei nº 5.709/1971, regulamentada pelo Decreto nº 74.965/1974; o Sistema de Propriedade Pública da União, Estado e Municípios, cuja regulamentação encontra-se prevista na Lei nº 5.972/1973 […] e, por fim, o Sistema do Registro Torrens, regulamentado pela própria Lei nº 6.015/1973 […].
When talking about the social function of the registrar, it is assumed that the excellent provision of this public service is based on constitutional principles and allied to the specific principles of the function (rogation, priority, registration, legality, specialty, unitarity, continuity, publicity , concentration, presumption, public faith and territoriality). In addition, the service must guarantee users legal certainty and authenticity. It is worth mentioning that in view of constitutional rights, the aforementioned social function must be available to all citizens.
As Paulo Ricardo Schier (2017) points out, the atmosphere that created the first administrative obstacles in the country, lasting for a long time, established an eminently patrimonial character; character that is not all bad, taking into account the importance that the patrimonial goods have for the Brazilian society, without entering in diverse discussions, that prescribe the detachment to them.
Thus, it cannot be denied that, in addition to the importance of becoming an owner, the Federal Constitution proclaims, encourages and protects property. However, we do not see massive campaigns for the regularization of numerous properties. There is no other way to conclude, other than that the system accentuates social exclusion.
FORM OF EXCLUSION
Pereira (2001) teaches very well that the Law of Things is the scope of private relationships where social transformation works more effectively. History shows that over time there is possession in the acquisition of real estate, constituting a phenomenon that involves society and politics. We observe that this possession is still exercised by the wealthier classes, by those who are able to obtain knowledge and by those who can pay.
Like the campaigns to obtain civil registration and identity cards; for inclusion of the parent’s name on the birth certificate; and for the realization of free collective marriages, we did not come across massive information campaigns on property regularization.
In 2005, the architect-urbanist and economist Ferreira (2005, p.1), with regard to Brazilian cities, wrote:
As cidades brasileiras são hoje a expressão urbana de uma sociedade que nunca conseguiu superar sua herança colonial para construir uma nação que distribuísse de forma mais equitativas suas riquezas e, mais recentemente, viu sobrepor-se à essa matriz arcaica uma nova roupagem de modernidade ‘global’ que só fez exacerbar suas dramáticas injustiças. Pesquisas de várias instituições indicam que as grandes metrópoles brasileira têm em média entre 40 e 50% de sua população vivendo na informalidade urbana, das quais de 15 a 20% em média moram em favelas (chegando a mais de 40% em Recife). E não seria exagero afirmar que a questão do acesso à propriedade da terra está no cerne dessa enorme desigualdade socioespacial.
Obviously, the aforementioned architect links his speech to his area of expertise; however, one can infer from her his extreme concern with the exclusion that he calls “socio-spatial”. Concluding your article says:
É, mais uma vez, o cruel dilema que se coloca hoje no campo ideológico progressista: estamos, com tais esforços jurídico-urbanísticos, com toda a mobilização política pela efetivação nos municípios de Planos Diretores que incorporem o Estatuto da Cidade, reforçando um “status quo” que pouco afetará as relações de poder na produção das cidades e na hegemonia intolerante das nossas elites, ou promovendo reformas de fundo que, pouco a pouco, serão capazes efetivamente reverter a histórica exclusão socioespacial e promover a existência de cidades mais justas no nosso país? Só o tempo dirá (FERREIRA, 2005, p.20).
Therefore, it is concluded that the lack of regularization of properties allows the expansion of exclusion and social inequality. Although property has been legally guaranteed for some time, this right does not extend to the entire population.
Another important piece of data is extracted from the presentation by João Lamana of the First Zone of Porto Alegre Land Registry Officer, in 2014, who well demonstrates the situation of citizens “In the courts, possession is valued. Today, in Brazil, about 40% to 50% of occupied properties, with consolidated legal status, are not titled” (PAIVA, 2014, p. 55).
Obviously, such situations concern privileged citizens who, despite having irregular properties, still have access to the judiciary and subsequently to the real estate registry; however, there are other citizens who do not even have access to information about the possibility of regularization.
Another relevant aspect is directly related to the fees provided by law for registry services. In addition to the constitutional principles and governing principles of the registry activity, it is incumbent upon the Registry Services Costs Regime to strictly observe the principle of modesty, since it constitutes a subjective right of the user, ensuring their access to the public service, even if provided by a private person.
A proposed amendment to the Constitution (nº 55, of 2005), whose latest progress is “archived”, proposed to stipulate “for the benefit of the demonstrably poor, the free registration of the public deed of the property intended for the family’s residence” (BRASIL, 2005). ); without considering the reasons for the rejection of the proposal, it could represent an advance in the regularization of the simplest properties in the country, implementing equality and promoting the inclusion of thousands of Brazilians in the legal systems.
It is well known that the officers of the real estate registries distributed throughout Brazil comply with the legal requirements, however, in 2015, in a plenary session, the deputies approved the draft Law nº 113/2015, “which obliges the real estate registry offices to post in an easily visible place […]” and we added, for easy assimilation, “[…] posters informing users about the exemptions and discounts guaranteed in the payment of fees and property registration, guaranteed by Federal Law nº 6.015 , of December 31, 1973 […]” (BRASIL, 2015).
It is undeniable that there are several legal provisions that exempt or lower the fees for registration offices, even so, the approval of the aforementioned project reveals the problems in the sector.
We do not see global actions, such as those that contemplate civil registry offices, related to real estate. In 2016, Decree nº 140/2016 was published in the Official Gazette of the municipality of Curitiba, with simplified rules for regularization of properties with irregular constructions built until December 31, 2012. The Secretary of Urbanism at that time estimated between 100 and 200 thousand properties with irregular constructions (Paraná, 2016).
The news brought by the newspaper Gazeta do Povo clarified that the Executive Branch responded to the population’s demands on the occasion of public hearings for the “revision of the Master Plan”; however, the article makes no reference to any exemptions from the Real Estate Registry Offices (CASSILHA, 2015).
The President of the Republic, Michel Temer, recently sanctioned Law No. The properties covered by the Law were exempt from the costs of real estate registrations. This news was published on the website of the National Association of Notaries and Registrars – São Paulo portal, which also reported the existence of thirty million irregular properties in Brazil.
The Law in question is of paramount importance for the social inclusion of these owners, however, we do not see massive information reaching the population as, as we have already mentioned, the drawing up of civil registration. The Brazilian registry system is efficient, although complex and distant from the humblest population. Owning a regularized property should be a broad and accessible right, regardless of the size, shape or location of the property. We have that public policies in this sector do not adequately provide access to this right.
FINAL CONSIDERATIONS
The objective of this study was to trace an evolutionary profile of access to property, from the discovery of Brazil to our time. Research shows a substantial evolution, because in a country where lands were given as gifts to the wealthier and nobler classes, or where they were simply appropriated, there was notably progress.
Ordinary laws were enacted in various historical periods in Brazil in order to regularize land. And the Federal Constitution of 1988 presented us with a social conception of immovable properties. Although there is an abundance of laws and the Constitutional Charter itself, we are still faced with numerous irregular situations. Not even the problem of ownership of disadvantaged parts of the population has been alleviated. A commonplace, current and permanent example is the Brazilian favelas.
In addition to the difficulty of a large number of people achieving the possibility of becoming owners, there is the problem of regularizing the properties. The regularization of properties is done through land registry offices. These services are exercised by delegation of power, that is, they act on behalf of the State. Even though such services are extremely relevant and are satisfactorily organized, they are beyond the reach of many Brazilians; first because of the lack of adequate information, second because of the cost.
Registry services are public services made available to citizens; therefore, they must also be widely accessible, otherwise social exclusion results. Actions with great publicity and participation, clear and simple information, and tax exemptions, can be valuable instruments in real estate regularization and consequent means of social inclusion.
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APPENDIX – FOOTNOTE
2. DINIZ, op cit.
[1] Master’s student in the Master’s program in Fundamental Rights and Democracy at the Centro Universitário Autônomo do Brasil – UNIBRASIL/PR; specialization in Civil Law and Civil Procedure at the State University of Londrina/PR; graduated in Physical Education and Law from the Pontifical Catholic University/PR.
Sent: September, 2019.
Approved: September, 2019.
